2024-03-28T22:30:17Z
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/index/oai
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/6307
2024-03-28T22:30:12Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Topònims transformats per homofonia: alguns casos procedents de l’àrab andalusí i un de nou al Pla de l’Estany
Homophonic Transformation of Toponyms: some Examples from Andalusi Arabic and a New Instance from Pla de l’Estany
Topónimos transformados por homofonía:algunos casos procedentes del árabe andalusí y uno nuevo en Pla de l'Estany
Bramon, Dolors
romandalusismes
toponímia
homofonia
Andalusi Arabic
place names
homophony
romandalusismos
toponímia
homofonía
És sabut que amb el pas de l’àrab a les llengües romàniques, diversos topònims d’origen àrab varen sofrir un procés de transformació d’acord amb algun nou significat que pogués ésser entès pels usuaris de la llengua receptora. Aquest treball analitza alguns casos de transformació popular per homofonia, amb especial atenció als noms de lloc que deriven de l’existència d’aigua (al-cuyún) i que sovint vas ser confosos amb “lleons” i en proposa un de nou –Lió– al Pla de l’Estany.
It is a well-known fact that with the substitution of Romance languages for Arabic many Andalusi place names were given a new interpretation and, accordingly, a new shape through folk etymology, relative homophony being one of the most salient factors governing the process. The present paper gathers and analyses some instances of such homophonic reinterpretations and also suggests a similar origin for the Catalan place name Lió (Pla de l’Estany, Banyoles), which, just like some other -lleó and -lió toponyms, might derive from the Arabic al-cuyūn ‘the springs’.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-06-17
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/12
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Spring 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Primavera 2013
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/12/8044
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/12/8045
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/6317
2024-03-28T22:30:12Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Averroes y su uso de aleyas coránicas
Averroes and the Recourse to Quranic Verses
Averroes y su uso de aleyas coránicas
Puig Montada, Josep
Averrois
Alcorà
Averroes
Qur’an
Averroes
Corán
El artículo considera el uso que hace Averroes de las citas coránicas en sus obras, y establece diferentes categorías. En la primera se encuentra su obra teológica cuyo título se puede traducir como Los métodos de las pruebas en las doctrinas de la religión, donde las aleyas son la base de estas doctrinas. A la segunda pertenece su comentario medio a la Retórica donde el Corán es citado por ser un modelo literario. La tercera situación es ante todo la de su obra “Tratado definitivo”, la cual tiene forma de dictamen jurídico (fatwâ). La última situación es la de obras filosóficas donde Averroes cita aleyas coránicas para su interpretación de Aristóteles.
The article considers how Averroes makes use of Quranic verses in his works and classifies them into different categories. His theological treatise, that can be translated as Disclosure of the Proof Methods Concerning the Principles of Religion, based on Quranic verses, belongs to the first category. Averroes middle commentary on the Aristotelian Rhetoric belongs to the second, in which the Qur’an is quoted as a literary paradigm. In the third category we find his ‘Definitive Treatise’, written in the form of a fatwā or legal response. His philosophical works belong to the last category, in which Averroes makes use of Quranic verses to buttress his interpretation of Aristotle.
El artículo considera el uso que hace Averroes de las citas coránicas en sus obras, y establece diferentes categorías. En la primera se encuentra su obra teológica cuyo título se puede traducir como Los métodos de las pruebas en las doctrinas de la religión, donde las aleyas son la base de estas doctrinas. A la segunda pertenece su comentario medio a la Retórica donde el Corán es citado por ser un modelo literario. La tercera situación es ante todo la de su obra “Tratado definitivo”, la cual tiene forma de dictamen jurídico (fatwâ). La última situación es la de obras filosóficas donde Averroes cita aleyas coránicas para su interpretación de Aristóteles.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-06-17
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/13
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Spring 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Primavera 2013
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/13/8064
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/13/8065
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/6319
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
L’art militar al Tirant lo Blanc
The Military Art in Tirant lo Blanc
L’art militar al Tirant lo Blanc
Riquer, Martí de
Tirant lo Blanc
Joanot Martorell
Dotzè del Chrestià
tàctiques militars
mesura i realisme
Tirant lo Blanc
Joanot Martorell
Dotzè del Chrestià
war tactics
moderation and reality
Tirante el Blanco
Joanot Martorell
Dotzè del Chrestià
tácticas militares
mesura y realismo
El Dotzè del Chrestià d’Eiximenis és una excel·lent guia per a la comprensió d’alguns aspectes militars del Tirant lo Blanc. L’autor de l’article suposa que Joanot Martorell, el llegí i devia compulsar els seus ensenyaments amb la seva pròpia experiència militar. Un cop Tirant s’ha fet famós a Anglaterra, vénen els episodis mediterranis, on el protagonista és nomenat Capità imperial i general de la gent d’armes i de la justícia de l’Imperi grec. En aquests episodis no tot són batalles campals i combats entre forces oposades, sinó també una descripció acurada de determinats enginys de guerra i de recursos hàbils i intel·ligents per a sortir de situacions difícils, que Martorell especifica i descriu amb un admirable detallisme. Els nombrosos exem-ples de certes tàctiques apareixen també en el Dotzè en els capítols dedicats a les coses militars i guerreres. I encara que això no permet assegurar amb total certesa que Martorell s’hagi inspirat en Eiximenis, ens corrobora, una vegada més, que el Tirant lo Blanc és una novel·la fermament fonamentada en una realitat autèntica o, si es vol, que és un ver document d’una època.
The Dotzè del Chrestià by Eiximenis provides and excellent guide for the understanding of several military aspects of the Tirant lo Blanc. The author of the following paper suggests that Joanot Martorell read it and corroborated its teachings with his own military expertise. Once Tirant had made himself known in England, the Mediterranean chapters follow, where the main character is appointed imperial captain and general of the men-at-arms and the justice of the Greek Empire. Not everything is about pitched battles and combats between opposing forces, there is also room for war stratagems, skilful and cunning resources to scape difficult situations that Martorell recounts and describes with unparalleled attention to detail. The abundant examples offered by the following paper appear also in the chapters the Dotzè devotes to military and war matters. And although that fact by itself does not ensure that Eiximenis inspired Martorell, it confirms that the Tirant lo Blanc is a novel firmly grounded in a genuine reality, a true document of its time.
El Dotzè del Chrestià d’Eiximenis és una excel·lent guia per a la comprensió d’alguns aspectes militars del Tirant lo Blanc. L’autor de l’article suposa que Joanot Martorell, el llegí i devia compulsar els seus ensenyaments amb la seva pròpia experiència militar. Un cop Tirant s’ha fet famós a Anglaterra, vénen els episodis mediterranis, on el protagonista és nomenat Capità imperial i general de la gent d’armes i de la justícia de l’Imperi grec. En aquests episodis no tot són batalles campals i combats entre forces oposades, sinó també una descripció acurada de determinats enginys de guerra i de recursos hàbils i intel·ligents per a sortir de situacions difícils, que Martorell especifica i descriu amb un admirable detallisme. Els nombrosos exem-ples de certes tàctiques apareixen també en el Dotzè en els capítols dedicats a les coses militars i guerreres. I encara que això no permet assegurar amb total certesa que Martorell s’hagi inspirat en Eiximenis, ens corrobora, una vegada més, que el Tirant lo Blanc és una novel·la fermament fonamentada en una realitat autèntica o, si es vol, que és un ver document d’una època.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-06-17
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/15
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Spring 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Primavera 2013
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/15/8067
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/15/8068
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/6320
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
De inventoribus litterarum: l’histoire de l’écriture vue par les savants carolingiens
De inventoribus litterarum: the History of Writing as Seen by Carolingian Scholars
De inventoribus litterarum: l’histoire de l’écriture vue par les savants carolingiens
De inventoribus litterarum: l’histoire de l’écriture vue par les savants carolingiens
Treffort, Cécile
writing
regnum Francorum
translatio studii
carolingian reform
escritura
regnum Francorum
translatio studii
reforma carolingia
écriture
regnum Francorum
translatio studii
réforme carolingienne
A l’époque carolingienne, les lettrés qui oeuvrent activement à la réforme religieuse et culturelle du regnum Francorum, portent une attention particulière à l’histoire de l’écriture et à l’invention de l’alphabet. Dans les chroniques et les traités de grammaire, plusieurs traditions s’articulent, puisant à des sources antérieures l’histoire de la translatio studii à travers le déluge ou celle de la chaîne historique des inventeurs, de l’écriture hébraïque puis grecque à l’alphabet latin. Certains textes, notamment un court traité attribué à Raban Maur, élargissent la perspective au-delà des frontières de la chrétienté. Tous témoignent d’une conscience vive du caractère conventionnel de l’écriture, de son rapport étroit avec la culture et la langue, et participe à une imprégnation quotidienne soutenant le vaste mouvement de la renovatio carolingienne.
In the Carolingian period, scholars who work actively in the religious and cultural reform of the regnum Francorum, pay attention to the history of writing and the invention of the alphabet. Chronicles and grammatical treatises use several previous traditions to draw the history of the translatio studii through the Flood or the historical chain of inventors for the hebrew, greek and latin alphabets. Some texts, including a short treatise attributed to Raban Maur, widen the perspective beyond the frontier of the Christendom. All show a lively consciousnesse of the conventional nature of the writing, its narrow relationship with the culture and the language, and by a daily impregnation, support the vast movement of the carolingian renovatio.
A l’époque carolingienne, les lettrés qui oeuvrent activement à la réforme religieuse et culturelle du regnum Francorum, portent une attention particulière à l’histoire de l’écriture et à l’invention de l’alphabet. Dans les chroniques et les traités de grammaire, plusieurs traditions s’articulent, puisant à des sources antérieures l’histoire de la translatio studii à travers le déluge ou celle de la chaîne historique des inventeurs, de l’écriture hébraïque puis grecque à l’alphabet latin. Certains textes, notamment un court traité attribué à Raban Maur, élargissent la perspective au-delà des frontières de la chrétienté. Tous témoignent d’une conscience vive du caractère conventionnel de l’écriture, de son rapport étroit avec la culture et la langue, et participe à une imprégnation quotidienne soutenant le vaste mouvement de la renovatio carolingienne.
A l’époque carolingienne, les lettrés qui oeuvrent activement à la réforme religieuse et culturelle du regnum Francorum, portent une attention particulière à l’histoire de l’écriture et à l’invention de l’alphabet. Dans les chroniques et les traités de grammaire, plusieurs traditions s’articulent, puisant à des sources antérieures l’histoire de la translatio studii à travers le déluge ou celle de la chaîne historique des inventeurs, de l’écriture hébraïque puis grecque à l’alphabet latin. Certains textes, notamment un court traité attribué à Raban Maur, élargissent la perspective au-delà des frontières de la chrétienté. Tous témoignent d’une conscience vive du caractère conventionnel de l’écriture, de son rapport étroit avec la culture et la langue, et participe à une imprégnation quotidienne soutenant le vaste mouvement de la renovatio carolingienne.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-06-17
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Spring 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 1: Primavera 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 1: Primavera 2013
2014-7023
eng
fra
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16/8069
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16/8070
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10031
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Metamorphosed Hospital Patrimonies in Burgundy: Archives, Architectures, Collections (13th-20th c.)
Patrimoines hospitaliers métamorphosés en Bourgogne: archives, architectures, collections (XIIIe - XXe siècles)
Le Clech, Sylvie
Burgundy
Heritage
Welfare
Archives
Architecture
Pharmacy
Documents
Bourgogne
patrimoine
assistance
archives
architecture
pharmacie
documentation
This article focuses on the understanding and valorization of hospital patrimonies (archives, architectures, objects). After the 1960s interventions aimed at the humanization of the buildings, and as a result of current economic change, such patrimonies have been affected by decommissions and transformations. We will analyse the inventories, the most suitable support tools to understand hospitals, make decisions about them and perform research based on them. Through the example of the Hôtel-Dieu de Tonnerre, in Burgundy, and other Burgundian hospitals (Beaune, Tournus, Louhans, Auxerre), whose information can be accessed online at the website of the French Ministry of Culture, we will discuss archives, architectures and objects, that is, the sources for the study of hospitals. Our aim is to make clear that understanding them is not only of use to the heuristic approach of the academic world, but also to the practical purpose of transferring knowledge to people.
Le propos de cette contribution se centrera sur la problématique scientifique de la connaissance et de la valorisation des patrimoines hospitaliers (archives, architectures, objets), concernés par des opérations de désaffectation et de transformation, suite aux mutations économiques de la période contemporaine, depuis les opérations d’humanisation des hôpitaux dans les années 1960. Elle examinera les outils de cette connaissance, les inventaires, outils d’aide à la compréhension et à la décision autant qu’outils de recherche. A travers l’exemple de l’hôtel Dieu de Tonnerre en Bourgogne1 et celle de quelques autres hôpitaux bourguignons (Beaune, Tournus, Louhans, Auxerre2), dont les notices sont accessibles sur le site du ministère de la culture français,3 on évoquera les sources que constituent les archives, les architectures et les objets. Il s’agit de faire prendre conscience que la connaissance sert non seulement des démarches heuristiques produites par des univers académiques, mais aussi des démarches opérationnelles de transmission des savoirs aux populations contemporaines.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-12-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/143
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 2: Tardor 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Autumn 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 2: Otoño 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Tardor 2013
2014-7023
fra
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/143/12903
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/143/12904
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10032
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Documents for a History of the Hospital of Santa Maria Della Scala in Siena
Documenti per una storia dell’Ospedale di Santa Maria Della Scala di Siena
Piccinni, Gabriella
Siena
Hospitals
Banks
Archives
Economy
Documents
Poverty
Welfare
Siena
ospedali
banche
archivi
economia
documenti
povertà
assistenza
The Sienese hospital of Santa Maria della Scala is proposed for discussion. The reasons for that are many: the majesty and the rich artistic heritage of the building and the strong civic identity it embodies, represented by its material and symbolic centrality in the urban fabric; the effectiveness of the solutions and the economic support structure for assistance it provides; the fact that, from the end of the 14th century onwards, it served as a model both in Italy and accross Europe; and finally, and especially interesting to us, the consistency, variety and potential of its documentary patrimony. After describing the structure of its holdings, composed of 6,849 items (dated between 1240 and 1930) and the 5,566 parchments of the diplomatic collection (dated between 1194 and 1725) we will concentrate on the potential of hospital documents as sources for social, economic, institutional and political history. The examples will be drawn from Sienese documents on the understanding that they are also useful for a general comparative perspective. Siena, due to both its documentary wealth and several features of its history and economy, can indeed contribute much to our knowledge of the role played by hospitals within the social, economic and political system on which late medieval Italian cities were based and to the topic of the economy of welfare.
L’ospedale senese di Santa Maria della Scala si propone alla riflessione europea: per l’imponenza e la ricchezza artistica dell’edificio e per la fortissima identità civica di cui è portatore, dalla sua centralità materiale e simbolica nel tessuto urbano; per l’efficacia delle soluzioni e dell’impianto economico di supporto all’assistenza; per essere stato, dalla fine del Trecento, preso a modello in Italia e in Europa. E, infine, che è quello che più direttamente interessa qui, per la consistenza, varietà e potenzialità del suo patrimonio documentario. Dopo avere illustrato la struttura della documentazione, composta di 6.849 unità (dal 1240 al 1930) e da 5.566 pergamene del fondo diplomatico (dal 1194 al 1725) si richiama l’attenzione sulle potenzialità della documentazione ospedaliera di divenire fonte per la storia della società, dell’economia, delle istituzioni e della politica: tutto ciò attraverso esempi tratti dalla documentazione senese ma pensando che possano servire anche in una prospettiva comparativa più generale. Nel richiamare l’attenzione sul ruolo rivestito dagli ospedali all’interno del sistema sociale, economico e politico sul quale si reggevano le città italiane degli ultimi secoli del Medioevo, e nel dirigere lo sguardo verso l’economia dell’assistenza, Siena può, infatti, dire qualcosa di nuovo, proprio per la particolare ricchezza documentaria e per alcuni caratteri della sua storia e della sua economia.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-12-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/145
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 2: Tardor 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Autumn 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 2: Otoño 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Tardor 2013
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/145/12905
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/145/12906
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10033
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Els llibres d’entrades de malalts de l’Hospital de la Santa Creu de Barcelona (s. XV-XVIII)
The Books of Admissions of The Hospital de la Santa Creu in Barcelona (15Th - 18Th Centuries)
Fontanals Jaumà, Reis
Hospital de la Santa Creu
hospitals
assistència
Catalunya
Barcelona
arxius hospitalaris
documentacio
Hospital de la Santa Creu
Hospitals
Welfare
Catalonia
Barcelona
Hospital archives
Documents
Aquest article analitza el conjunt de llibres de malalts de l’Hospital de la Santa Creu de Barcelona entre els segles XV i el XVIII que es conserven actualment a la Biblioteca de Catalunya i a l’Arxiu Històric de l’Hospital de la Santa Creu i Sant Pau. Els llibres s’estudien des de diferents punts de vista i s’agrupen a partir de la seva ubicació, de la seva tipologia, morfologia i cronologia. S’hi identifiquen de forma sistemàtica les dades que contenen i la seva evolució al llarg del temps. La inclusió d’un bon nombre d’exemples i de comparances amb altres fonts històriques, mostra la dimensió d’aquesta documentació com a recurs estadístic fiable, però a més, l’article vol posar de relleu la riquesa informativa d’aquests documents com a font primera de gran valor per a la recerca en el camp assistencial d’època medieval i moderna.
This article analyses the books of admission of the Hospital de la Santa Creu in Barcelona, between the 15th and the 18th century, currently preserved in the Library of Catalonia and the Historical Archive of the Hospital de la Santa Creu i Sant Pau. In this paper, the books are studied and grouped according to the following criteria: location, type, morphology and chronology. The data they contained, as well as their evolution over time, are systematically identified. The inclusion of examples and comparisons to other historical sources highlights the importance of these documents as a reliable statistical resource. Furthermore, this text aims at emphasizing the richness of these documents as a valuable primary source for the research on medieval and modern welfare.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-12-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/165
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 2: Tardor 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Autumn 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 2: Otoño 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Tardor 2013
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/165/12907
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/165/12908
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10034
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
El rastre dels més desvalguts entre els papers de l’Hospital de Barcelona
Traces of The Destitute among The Papers of the Hospital of Barcelona
Vinyoles Vidal, Teresa
Assistència
pobresa
marginalitat
infància
hospitals
Barcelona
documentació
arxiu
demografia
Welfare
Poverty
Marginalization
Childhood
Hospitals
Barcelona
Documents
Archives
Demography
Aquest text, que té el seu origen en la ponència que vam presentar al simposi internacional Fonts gràfiques i documentals per a l’estudi històric dels hospitals (abril 2013), pretén oferir un petit mostrari de la informació que es pot extreure i les conclusions que se’n deriven, de la consulta directa de les fonts documentals de l’antic hospital de la Santa Creu de Barcelona. El punt de partida de la nostra recerca s’emmarca en els mateixos orígens històrics d’aquesta centenària institució, és a dir, l’albada del segle xv. En aquest sentit, bàsicament hem fet servir els llibres d’entrades de malalts i d’expòsits, un minutari comptable i uns manuals notarials del quatre-cents i d’èpoques posteriors, conservats a la Biblioteca de Catalunya i a l’Arxiu Històric de la Fundació de l’Hospital de la Santa Creu i Sant Pau. El nostre propòsit no és fer-ne un estat de la qüestió, ni esbossar una història de la pobresa barcelonina, ni tampoc plantejar una visió comparativa de les institucions hospitalàries, senzillament, després de reflexionar sobre el tema, mirarem de dialogar amb les fonts i que siguin elles les que parlin. Procurarem, en el possible, sentir la veu dels pobres del passat, però sense oblidar que la pobresa no és propietat exclusiva dels temps medievals.
This essay is based on the paper presented at the International Symposium Documentary and visual sources for the historical study of hospitals (April 2013), and it aims to offer a small sample of the information that can be extracted from the direct consultation of the documentary sources of the old Hospital de la Santa Creu in Barcelona, and the conclusions that can be derived from it. Our research begins with the birth of this centuries-old institution, that is, at the dawn of the fifteenth century. In this sense, we have basically used the books of admission of patients and foundlings, a minute book and several notarial manuals from fifteenth-century and later, preserved in the Library of Catalonia and the Historical Archive of the Foundation of the Hospital de la Santa Creu i Sant Pau. Our purpose is not to overview the history of poverty in Barcelona or to establish a comparison between its hospitals, but rather to reflect upon the sources, enter into a dialogue with them and let them speak for themselves. When possible, we will try to listen to the voices of the poor of the past, without forgetting that poverty is not exclusive to the medieval period.
Universitat de Barcelona
2013-12-20
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/155
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 2: Tardor 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Autumn 2013
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 2: Otoño 2013
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 2: Tardor 2013
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/155/12909
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/155/12910
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10527
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
On Infantas, Domnae, and Deo Votae. A Few Remarks on the Infantado and its Ladies
De infantas, domnae y Deo votae. Algunas reflexiones en torno al Infantado y sus señoras
Cayrol Bernardo, Laura
Infantas
infantado
Señoras
monasteries
patronage
Infantas
infantado
señoras
monasterios
patronazgo
This paper aims to review the links between the Castilian and Leonese infantas and the monasteries they owned, placing them in the broader context of the women of their time in order to clarify the extent to which their situation differed from that of the most powerful aristocrats. In addition, it deals with the revision of some of the elements that determined the evolution and transformation of the original concept of Infantado, as a result of a “rewriting” of history in which the interests of the infantas came together with those of certain monasteries traditionally related to these ladies.
En este artículo se revisan algunas propuestas relativas al vínculo establecido entre las infantas castellano-leonesas y los monasterios de su propiedad, insertándolas en el contexto más amplio de las mujeres de su época con el fin de averiguar hasta qué punto su situación fue o no diferente de la de las aristócratas más poderosas. Asimismo, se analizan algunos de los elementos que determinaron la evolución y transformación del concepto original de Infantado, consecuencia de una «reescritura» de la historia en la que confluyeron los intereses de las propias infantas y los de ciertos monasterios tradicionalmente ligados a estas damas.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-06-20
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/6
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Spring 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Printemps 2014
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/6/13296
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/6/13297
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10528
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Philosophical and Moral Problem Literature in the Portuguese Chansonnier Poetry
La pregunta/respuesta filosófica y moral en la poesía cancioneril portuguesa
Marques Antunes, María Helena
problem literature
philosophical
moral
chansonnier
rhetorical games
Cancioneiro Geral
argumentation
pregunta/respuesta
filosófica
moral
poesía
cancioneril
juegos retóricos
Cancioneiro Geral
argumentación
Love is the privileged theme in 15th-century poetry chansonniers and problem literature is particularly adequate to discuss love matters. However, the analysis of Castilian poetical works allows us to acknowledge the existence of problem literature dealing with philosophical and ethical themes, albeit in lesser number. The situation is not different from the Cancioneiro Geral, by Garcia de Resende, where the genre is also characterized, in similar proportions, by the coexistence of love and philosophical themes. The aim of this article, which analyses this particular type of compositions in the Portuguese corpus, is to survey to what extent this poetical exchange allows a dynamic and original treatment of existential issues and a discussion about the lack of values. Consequently, the interaction between the questioner and the author of the answer allows us to broaden the scope of the question, revealing other possible interpretations for the suggested problem. Moreover, the philosophical and ethical problem literature also constitutes an exercise where poets test their expertise through rhetorical games that subvert the argument of the opponent.
En la poesía cancioneril cuatrocentista el amor es tema privilegiado y el género pregunta/ respuesta se muestra particularmente adecuado para discutir cuestiones de naturaleza amatoria. Sin embargo, la lectura de las colecciones poéticas castellanas permite reconocer la existencia, en número inferior, de preguntas/respuestas que versan sobre temáticas filosóficas y morales. La situación no es distinta en el Cancioneiro Geral de Garcia de Resende, donde el género se caracteriza también por la coexistencia, en proporción idéntica, de las temáticas amorosa y filosófica. El propósito de este artículo es, analizando este tipo peculiar de composiciones en el corpus portugués, ver de qué manera esta modalidad de intercambio poético permite un tratamiento dinámico y original de cuestiones existenciales y de razonamientos sobre la falta de valores. Así, la interacción entre el interrogador y el autor de la respuesta permite alargar el ámbito de la pregunta, revelando otras interpretaciones posibles para el problema planteado. La pregunta/respuesta de naturaleza filosófica y moral constituye además un ejercicio donde los poetas testan su pericia a través de juegos retóricos que subvierten la argumentación del adversario.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-06-20
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/3
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Spring 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Printemps 2014
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/3/13298
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/3/13299
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10529
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
The Intellectual Virtues (Nicomachean Ethics, Book VI) in Three Works of Popularization of Aristotelian Thought
Las virtudes intelectuales (Ética a Nicómaco, VI) en tres obras de divulgación aristotélica
Jecker, Mélanie
Aristotle
ethics
intellectual virtues
popularization
Aristóteles
ética
virtudes intelectuales
divulgación
This paper aims to analyse how the Aristotelian theory of the intellectual virtues (Nicomachean Ethics, Book VI) is formulated in a corpus of three compendia of Aristotle’s Ethics and two anthologies of moral philosophy which circulated in Castile from the 13th to the 15th century. These texts belong to the multifaceted medieval literature of popularization, which hoped to offer students of the Faculty of Arts, and a larger circle of noblemen eager for knowledge, access to the doctrines of the authors of classical Antiquity, especially to those of Aristotle, “The Philosopher”, the first auctoritas studied in medieval universities. The object of my analysis will therefore serve as an illustration of a larger phenomenon: the transmission of Aristotelian doctrines through works of popularization, which constitutes one of the most interesting modalities of reception of the corpus aristotelicum in Europe from the 13th century onwards.
Me propongo observar en este trabajo cómo la doctrina aristotélica de las virtudes intelectuales expuesta en el libro VI de la Ética a Nicómaco llegó a formularse en un corpus de tres compendios de la Ética y dos florilegios de filosofía moral que circularon en la Castilla de los siglos XIII-XV. Estos textos pertenecen a la polifacética literatura medieval de divulgación que pretendía ofrecer al estudiante de la Facultad de Artes o al círculo más amplio de la nobleza ansiosa de erudición el acceso a las doctrinas de los autores de la Antigüedad clásica, especialmente las de Aristóteles, «el Filósofo», primera auctoritas filosófica estudiada en las universidades medievales. El objeto que me propongo analizar aquí valdrá por lo tanto como ilustración para entender un fenómeno más amplio: la transmisión de contenidos doctrinales aristotélicos mediante obras de divulgación, la cual constituye una de las modalidades más interesantes de la recepción del corpus aristotelicum en Europa a partir del siglo XIII.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-06-20
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/4
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Spring 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Printemps 2014
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/4/13300
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/4/13301
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10530
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Saber, sen i trobar: Ramon de Cornet i el Consistori de la Gaia Ciència
Saber, Sen i Trobar: Ramon de Cornet and the Consistory of the Gay Science
Navàs Farré, Marina
Ramon de Cornet
lírica occitanocatalana
trobadors
Consistori de Gaia Ciància
Ramon de Cornet
occitan poetry
troubadours
Toulouse Consistory
Sovint l’estudi de la lírica occitanocatalana del segle xiv ha estat supeditat a la poètica de certamen que gravita a l’entorn del Consistori del Gai Saber de Tolosa de Llenguadoc. A aquest fet, cal sumar-hi el judici pejoratiu que gran part de la crítica ha formulat sobre el Consistori, atribuint- li la voluntat d’imposar una forma artificiosa acompanyada d’un contingut moral o devot que s’avingués amb l’ortodòxia cristiana. Els pocs autors conservats de l’època que no es podien encabir del tot en aquest marc, com ara Ramon de Cornet –paradoxalment l’autor amb més obra conservada de la primera meitat del Tres-cents i amb una difusió més àmplia–, són considerats una excepció i fins i tot, en el cas de Cornet, d’estrafolari. Però si estudiem la seva obra en el marc de la tradició literària més immediata, la dels darrers trobadors, veurem com la poètica del XIV és una evolució natural d’aquest llegat, que respon a unes exigències de gust literari que va molt més enllà de les suposades coaccions consistorials. Una mostra d’això és la peça «Al noble cavalier» de Cornet.
The study of 14th-century Occitan poetry has been overshadowed by its alleged subjection to the poetics of the contests organized by the Toulousain Consistory of the Gay Science. Moreover, most scholars have criticized the Consistory for trying to impose an excessively contrived poetic form, coupled with moral or pious contents, in compliance with Christian orthodoxy. The few authors from that century who do not completely match that framework, such as Ramon de Cornet – paradoxically, the author with a greater amount of preserved works and with a wider diffusion - are considered an exception and even, in his case, an eccentric figure. But when studying Cornet within his most immediate literary context, it becomes apparent that 14th century poetics are the natural evolution of the late troubadour tradition and are in no way limited to the alleged consistorial pressures. This can be illustrated by Ramon de Cornet’s “Al noble cavalier”.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-06-20
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/5
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Spring 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Printemps 2014
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/5/13302
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/5/13303
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/10531
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Majorca and the Import of Wheat from the Atlantic Ports (1230-1350)
Mallorca y la importación de trigo atlántico (1230-1350)
Ortega Villoslada, Antonio
food
wheat
Majorca
trade
the Atlantic Ocean
alimentación
trigo
Mallorca
comercio
atlántico
The study of food habits and its sources of supply have mainly focused on the Mediterranean area, neglecting other regions. The following study offers a new framework in which the Atlantic world, always throughout the complex geographical passage of the Strait of Gibraltar, becomes a basic source of grain supply for the kingdom of Majorca.
El estudio de los hábitos alimentarios y sus fuentes de aprovisionamiento se mueven sustancialmente en el ámbito mediterráneo, obviando otras regiones. El presente artículo abre un nuevo marco en el que el mundo atlántico, atravesando el siempre complejo espacio geográfico del estrecho del Gibraltar, deviene en fuente primordial del abastecimiento frumentario del reino de Mallorca.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-06-20
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/7
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Spring 2014
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 3: Primavera 2014
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 3: Printemps 2014
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/7/13304
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/7/13305
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/11226
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Oliver: The Rise and Decline of a Hero
Oliveros: Auge y Ocaso de un Héroe
Alvar, Carlos
The essential topic of this paper is the literary figure of Oliver, from his first appearances to his gradual disappearance from the texts. Thus, the starting point is the presence of the anthroponym and the discussions about its etymology, given that numerous problems (as well as some explanations) affecting Western epic poetry and the relationships established between characters and texts can be related to that origin. It seems that he is a southern hero and as such, figured prominently in several lost chansons de geste, from which late or geographically distant versions survive (such as the Scandinavian versions). Since this hero belongs to the Occitan tradition, linked to the basin of the Rhone, and is alien to French epic tradition, the importance of his role in the Chanson de Roland is surprising, and from there, its preeminence in onomastics and in the lists of the Twelve Peers; however, the place he occupies is not always the same, and he is often set aside. In the Iberian Peninsula, it is not unusual to see how other heroes take the place of Oliver: Bernardo del Carpio and Reinaldos de Montalbán. Our paladin ends up being a mere shadow, a distant memory that is finally forgotten.
El tema esencial de este trabajo es la figura literaria de Oliveros, desde sus primeras apariciones a su paulatina desaparición de los textos. El punto de partida, así, se establece en la presencia del antropónimo y en los debates acerca de su origen etimológico, pues a ese origen se asocian numerosos problemas (y algunas explicaciones) que afectan a la poesía épica occidental y a las relaciones que se establecen entre personajes y textos. Todo parece indicar que se trata de un héroe meridional y, como tal, ocupó un lugar destacado en cantares de gesta perdidos, de los que perviven versiones tardías o geográficamente lejanas (como las versiones escandinavas). Siendo un héroe ajeno a la tradición épica francesa y propio de la occitana, vinculado a la cuenca del Ródano, sorprende el protagonismo que alcanza en la Chanson de Roland, y a partir de ahí, en la onomástica y en las listas de los Doce Pares; sin embargo, no siempre el lugar que ocupa es el mismo, y con frecuencia queda postergado. En la Península Ibérica, no es extraño ver cómo otros héroes ocupan el lugar de Oliveros: son Bernardo del Carpio y Reinaldos de Montalbán. Nuestro paladín acaba siendo una simple sombra, un lejano recuerdo, y finalmente, es olvidado.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-12-21
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11226
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 7-38
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Autumn 2014; pp. 7-38
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 4: Otoño 2014; pp. 7-38
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 7-38
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11226/13943
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11226/13944
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/11227
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
The Enigmas of the Grail. Around the Controversy Over the Unity of Li Contes del Graal of Chrétien de Troyes
Los Enigmas del Grial. En Torno a la Polémica sobre la Unidad de El Cuento del Grial de Chrétien de Troyes
Cirlot, Victoria
This paper presents a review of the controversy about the unity of the last roman of Chrétien de Troyes, Li Contes del Graal which took place in the late fifties between Martí de Riquer, Jean Frappier and Erich Köhler. More than fifty years later, this paper will appraise the contributions that this controversy made to Romance philology, and, in particular, to the assessment of the last work of the Champenian writer.
Relectura de la polémica acerca de la unidad del último roman de Chrétien de Troyes, Li Contes del Graal que tuvo lugar a finales de los años cincuenta entre Martín de Riquer, Jean Frappier y Erich Köhler. Más de cincuenta años después se trata de valorar las aportaciones que dicha polémica supuso para la filología románica y, en concreto, para la valoración de la última obra del escritor de la Champaña.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-12-21
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11227
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 39-44
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Autumn 2014; pp. 39-44
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 4: Otoño 2014; pp. 39-44
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 39-44
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11227/13945
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11227/13946
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/11228
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Les débuts du héraut d’armes en littérature et les premières chansons de guerre de Bertran de Born (1181-1183)
The Origins of the Herald of Arms in Literature and the Earliest War Songs of Bertran de Born (1181-1183)
Les Débuts du Héraut d’Armes en Littérature et les Premières Chansons de Guerre de Bertran de Born (1181-1183)
Gouiran, Gérard
Quand on voit la représentation que Chrétien de Troyes ou l’Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal donnent du héraut d’armes, on ne songe guère qu’il puisse exister des rapports entre ces marginaux et le seigneur-troubadour Bertran de Born. Or, dans ses premières chansons de guerre, celui-ci exerce pourtant une fonction assez semblable puisque le comte de Toulouse et l’héritier du roi d’Angleterre lui demandent de se faire leur porte-parole pour convoquer d’éventuels alliés aux combats qui se préparent. Le poète-soldat n’omet aucun argument pour convaincre ceux-ci, expose la situation avec lucidité et fait bien ressortir l’intérêt et la gloire qu’ils y trouveront. Toutefois, outre que le rang du seigneur d’Hautefort ne le place pas dans une position de totale dépendance, son état d’esprit est bien loin de toute servilité : la conscience qu’il a de sa valeur morale et littéraire le pousse à obéir avant tout à une idéologie aristocratique fondée sur la chanson de geste et il s’arroge le droit de critiquer tout seigneur, tout roi même, qui manquerait à ses règles, même quitte à le payer bien cher.
The depictions of the herald of arms that Chrétien de Troyes or the Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal provide do not seem to suggest any kind of relationship between these non-conformists and the lord troubadour Bertran de Born.Yet, in his earliest songs of war, he performs a somewhat similar function when the Count of Toulouse and the heir of the King of England ask him to be their spokesman to call upon their potential allies for the combats ahead. The poet-soldier spares no argument to convince them, explains the situation with clarity and brings out the interest and the glory they will find in it.At any rate, besides the fact that the rank of the lord of Hautefort does not place him in a position of total dependence, his state of mind is far away from any kind of servility: his awareness of his moral and literary value prompts him to embrace an aristocratic ideology based on the chanson de geste above all things, and he claims for himself the right to criticize any lord, even any king, who neglects its rules, even if he pays for it dearly.
Quand on voit la représentation que Chrétien de Troyes ou l’Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal donnent du héraut d’armes, on ne songe guère qu’il puisse exister des rapports entre ces marginaux et le seigneur-troubadour Bertran de Born. Or, dans ses premières chansons de guerre, celui-ci exerce pourtant une fonction assez semblable puisque le comte de Toulouse et l’héritier du roi d’Angleterre lui demandent de se faire leur porte-parole pour convoquer d’éventuels alliés aux combats qui se préparent. Le poète-soldat n’omet aucun argument pour convaincre ceux-ci, expose la situation avec lucidité et fait bien ressortir l’intérêt et la gloire qu’ils y trouveront. Toutefois, outre que le rang du seigneur d’Hautefort ne le place pas dans une position de totale dépendance, son état d’esprit est bien loin de toute servilité : la conscience qu’il a de sa valeur morale et littéraire le pousse à obéir avant tout à une idéologie aristocratique fondée sur la chanson de geste et il s’arroge le droit de critiquer tout seigneur, tout roi même, qui manquerait à ses règles, même quitte à le payer bien cher.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-12-21
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application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11228
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 45-61
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Autumn 2014; pp. 45-61
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 4: Otoño 2014; pp. 45-61
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 45-61
2014-7023
fra
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11228/13948
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11228/13947
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/11229
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Oltre lo Specchio: il Joufroi de Poitiers e la Cultura Lirica del suo Autore
Beyond the Mirror: Joufroi de Poitiers and the Poetical Background of its Author
Oltre lo specchio: il Joufroi de Poitiers e la cultura lirica del suo autore
Oltre lo Specchio: il Joufroi de Poitiers e la Cultura Lirica del suo Autore
Meneghetti, Maria Luisa
Come è stato a più riprese osservato, il Joufroi de Poitiers, romanzo d’autore borgognone collocabile verso la metà del XIII secolo, si ispira molto da vicino alla figura di Guglielmo IX d’Aquitania, grande signore e primo trovatore di cui ci siano giunti i componimenti. Ma a quali materiali si ispira veramente l’autore del Joufroi? Alla vida provenzale conservata, o piuttosto a una più ampia biografia latina perduta, o ad altri testi ancora? La presente ricerca cercherà di mettere in luce quali siano state le effettive fonti del romanzo e di abbozzare un’ipotesi che spieghi le motivazioni di questi recuperi.
As has been repeatedly noted, Joufroi de Poitiers, a novel written by a Burgundian author and composed around the middle of the thirteenth century, is based very closely on the figure of William IX of Aquitaine, great lord and first troubadour whose poems have been compiled. But what materials did truly inspire the author of Joufroi? The extant Provençal vida, or rather a lost broader Latin biography, or still other texts? This research will try to shed light on what were the actual sources of the novel and to outline a hypothesis that explains the motivations of these works.
Come è stato a più riprese osservato, il Joufroi de Poitiers, romanzo d’autore borgognone collocabile verso la metà del XIII secolo, si ispira molto da vicino alla figura di Guglielmo IX d’Aquitania, grande signore e primo trovatore di cui ci siano giunti i componimenti. Ma a quali materiali si ispira veramente l’autore del Joufroi? Alla vida provenzale conservata, o piuttosto a una più ampia biografia latina perduta, o ad altri testi ancora? La presente ricerca cercherà di mettere in luce quali siano state le effettive fonti del romanzo e di abbozzare un’ipotesi che spieghi le motivazioni di questi recuperi.
Come è stato a più riprese osservato, il Joufroi de Poitiers, romanzo d’autore borgognone collocabile verso la metà del XIII secolo, si ispira molto da vicino alla figura di Guglielmo IX d’Aquitania, grande signore e primo trovatore di cui ci siano giunti i componimenti. Ma a quali materiali si ispira veramente l’autore del Joufroi? Alla vida provenzale conservata, o piuttosto a una più ampia biografia latina perduta, o ad altri testi ancora? La presente ricerca cercherà di mettere in luce quali siano state le effettive fonti del romanzo e di abbozzare un’ipotesi che spieghi le motivazioni di questi recuperi.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-12-21
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11229
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 62-74
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Autumn 2014; pp. 62-74
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 4: Otoño 2014; pp. 62-74
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 62-74
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11229/13950
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11229/13949
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/11230
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Riquer, en el camino de la caballería
Riquer, in the Path to Chivalry
Riquer, en el Camino de la Caballería
Ruiz-Domènec, José Enrique
Un análisis de la aportación de Martín de Riquer al estudio de la caballería. Se extiende el análisis desde mayo de 1965, en el que pronuncia su discurso de ingreso en la Real Academia Española hasta 2003 en que reedita el último de sus libros donde habla de este tema. Este período se divide a su vez en dos subperíodos; en el primero traza su tesis central sobre la figura de los caballeros andantes y la distinción entre novelas de caballería y libros de caballería, así como la necesidad de analizar el armamento militar; en el segundo, razona su aportación al estudio de la caballería a partir de un estudio biográfico y de la valoración de algunas obras señeras de este tema.
This is an analysis of the contribution of Martín de Riquer to the study of chivalry. This analysis spans from May 1965, when he uttered his entry speech at the Real Academia Española, to 2003 when he republished the last of his books in which he deals with this topic. This period is divided into two sub-periods; in the first one he draws up his central thesis about the figure of the knights-errant and the distinction between chivalry novels and chivalry books, as well as the necessity of analysing military weaponry; in the second one he argues his contribution to the study of chivalry on the basis of an autobiographical study and the assessment of some unequalled works on this topic.
Un análisis de la aportación de Martín de Riquer al estudio de la caballería. Se extiende el análisis desde mayo de 1965, en el que pronuncia su discurso de ingreso en la Real Academia Española hasta 2003 en que reedita el último de sus libros donde habla de este tema. Este período se divide a su vez en dos subperíodos; en el primero traza su tesis central sobre la figura de los caballeros andantes y la distinción entre novelas de caballería y libros de caballería, así como la necesidad de analizar el armamento militar; en el segundo, razona su aportación al estudio de la caballería a partir de un estudio biográfico y de la valoración de algunas obras señeras de este tema.
Universitat de Barcelona
2014-12-21
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Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11230
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 75-89
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Autumn 2014; pp. 75-89
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 4: Otoño 2014; pp. 75-89
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 4: Tardor 2014; pp. 75-89
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11230/13951
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/11230/13952
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14036
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Els comptes de Blanca de Llorach, abadessa de Sant Pere de les Puel·les (1373)
The Accounts of Blanca de Llorach, Abbess of Sant Pere de les Puel·les (1373)
Richou i Llimona, Montserrat
Barcelona
monestir
Sant Pere de les Puel·les
abadessa
alimentació
forment
vi
Barcelona
nunnery
Sant Pere de les Puel.les
abbess
food
wheat
wine
L’article analitza el primer manual de Blanca de Llorach, abadessa del monestir benedictí de Sant Pere de les Puel·les de Barcelona. És un llibre de comptes que recull tant els ingressos obtinguts per aquest cenobi com les despeses generades durant l’any 1373. Entre d’altres aspectes, es destaca l’estudi dels hàbits alimentaris i les feines vitícoles realitzades pels temporers que treballaven a les vinyes del monestir.
This article analyses the earliest handbook of Blanca de Llorach, the abbess of the Benedictine nunnery of Sant Pere de les Puel.les in Barcelona. It is a ledger that records the incomes obtained by the nunnery, as well as the expenses generated during 1373. Among other aspects, it highlights the study of eating habits of the nuns and of the vine-growing tasks carried out by the seasonal workers who used to work at the vineyards of the convent.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-06-22
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Articles revisats per parells
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application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14036
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 5: Primavera 2015; 1-23
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Spring 2015; 1-23
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 5: Primavera 2015; 1-23
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Primavera 2015; 1-23
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14036/17339
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14036/17338
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14037
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Les riques vestidures de la reina Elionor de Sicília (1325-1375)
The Rich Robes of Queen Eleanor of Sicily (1325-1375)
Aymerich Bassols, Montse
indumentària
medieval
guarda roba
vestidura
simbòlic
Elionor de Sicília
Pere el Cerimoniós
clothing
medieval
wardrobe
attire
symbolic
Eleanor of Sicily
King Pere the Ceremonious
Més enllà de la funcionalitat pròpia de la indumentària aquesta expressava un llenguatge codificat que era compartit pels homes i dones de Catalunya i que, en general, es feia extensible a la majoria de territoris europeus del segle XIV. Les vestidures permetien fer visible l’ordre natural que regulava la societat medieval identificant les persones per gènere, edat, jerarquia social o posició de marginalitat que, per raons etnic-religioses, ocupaven respecte a la majoria de la població. Un dels pilars simbòlics en que es sustentava la representació del poder estava constituït per la presència de la riquesa a les vestidures. Riques vestidures per embolcallar el cos i també riques vestidures per cobrir l’arquitectura i el mobiliari. D’entre les esplèndides peces de vestir que configuraven el guarda roba de la reina Elionor de Sicília el present treball es centra fonamentalment en la identificació tipològica i l’estudi de quatre vestits exteriors: “la cota”, “la cota ardia”, “el curtapeu” i “l’aljuba”. D’alguns d’aquests vestits amb que s’abillà la reina el dibuix ha intentat una reconstrucció aproximativa de la seva tipologia així com dels magnífics dissenys brodats o teixits que els ornaven. Una ràpida ullada a la recambra del vestuari reial ens ha permès descobrir la febril activitat de sastres i brodadors ocupats en confeccionar, adobar i reutilitzar les riques vestidures de la reina Elionor de Sicília.
In fourteenth-century Catalonia, as well as in most European territories, clothing expressed a sort of coded language that went beyond its mere functionality and was shared by both men and women. Clothes gave visibility to the natural order that governed medieval society. They differentiated people by gender, age, and social standing, including the eventual marginal position some groups occupied due to ethnic and religious reasons. Rich garments, either wrapping the body or covering buildings and furniture, were one of the pillars that sustained the symbolic representation of power. Among the splendid pieces of clothing that formed the wardrobe of Queen Eleanor of Sicily, this paper focuses primarily on the typological identification and analysis of four outdoor attires: the cotte, the cottehardie, the courtepy, and the aljuba. The drawings included in this paper are an approximate reconstruction of the typology and the magnificent embroideries and fabrics of some of the queen’s dresses. A quick look at the boudoir of the royal wardrobe has allowed us to discover the feverish activity of tailors and embroiderers engaged in making, repairing, and reusing the rich robes of Queen Eleanor of Sicily.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-06-22
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Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14037
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 5: Primavera 2015; 24-50
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Spring 2015; 24-50
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 5: Primavera 2015; 24-50
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Primavera 2015; 24-50
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14037/17340
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14037/17341
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14038
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Religiositat i medicina a la València baixmedieval: la troballa del cos incorrupte d’Angelina Bertran (1447)
Religiousness and Medicine in Late Medieval Valencia: The Discovery of the Incorrupt Body of Angelina Bertran (1447)
Ferragud, Carmel
santedat
peritatge mèdic
religiositat
cos incorrupte
sanctity
medical examination
religiosity
incorrupt body
En abril de 1447, va ser trobat casualment al cementiri de la parròquia de Sant Llorenç de la ciutat de València, el cos incorrupte d’una jove anomenada Angelina Bertran. Per discernir si el fet era sobrenatural o no, fou nomenada una comissió de metges. Malgrat la seva perplexitat i impossibilitat de donar una explicació raonada, i la ràpida creença popular que es tractava d’un cas digne de veneració, els fets no portaren a considerar que Angelina meresqués pujar als altars. No obstant, l’esdeveniment va passar a ser relatat en nombroses ocasions pels historiadors locals.
In April 1447, the incorrupt body of a young woman named Angelina Bertran was accidentally found at the cemetery of the parish of St. Lawrence in the city of Valencia. To determine whether the cause was supernatural or not, a committee of physicians was appointed. Despite their confusion and inability to give a reasoned explanation, and although popular opinion quickly spread that it was a case worthy of veneration, facts did not lead to believe that Angelina deserved canonization. However, the event was to be repeatly reported by local historians.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-06-22
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Articles revisats per parells
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14038
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 5: Primavera 2015; 51-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Spring 2015; 51-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 5: Primavera 2015; 51-71
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Primavera 2015; 51-71
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14038/17342
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14038/17343
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14039
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Trobar el Jo a l’Occident altmedieval
Locating the Self in the Early Medieval West
Žbontar, Zora
el jo
Occident altmedieval
autoreflexió
cristianisme
visions oníriques
cos
the self
early medieval West
self-reflection
Christianity
dream visions
body
Tot aprofundint en les visions oníriques i l’actitud vers el cos i l’ànima, aquesta contribució presenta alguns punts de vista sobre l’autoreflexió a l’Antiguitat i l’Occident altmedieval. El descobriment de l’individu al segle XII va derivar d’un ressorgiment de formes i idees del passat. L’article examina exemples d’individualitat que es remunten a l’Antiguitat i l’Alta Edat Mitjana. A la tradició que hi havia al darrere de l’Edat Mitjana occidental, el cristianisme i el classicisme, l’individu i el coneixement d’un mateix van ser altament valorats.
Providing insight into dream visions and the attitude towards body and soul, the contribution presents some perspectives on self-reflection in Antiquity and the early medieval West. The discovery of the individual in the twelfth century derived from a revival of forms and ideas from the past. The article examines examples of individuality that trace back to Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. In the tradition which lay behind the medieval West, Christianity and classicism, the individual and the self-knowledge were highly valued.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-06-22
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Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14039
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 5: Primavera 2015; 72-87
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Spring 2015; 72-87
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 5: Primavera 2015; 72-87
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Primavera 2015; 72-87
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14039/17344
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14039/17345
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14040
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Quelques histoires belles et véritables des femmes au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance
Some Beautiful and True Stories of Women in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance
Quelques histoires belles et véritables des femmes au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance
Quelques histoires belles et véritables des femmes au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance
de Courcelles, Dominique
beauty
Canticle of Saint Eulalia
Christine de Pizan
The City of Ladies
Douceline de Digne
women
The Heptameron
history
French literature
Marguerite de Navarre
Middle Ages
Renaissance
truth
beauté
Cantilène de sainte Eulalie
Christine de Pisan
Cité des Dames
Douceline de Digne
femmes
Heptaméron
histoire
littérature française
Marguerite de Navarre
moyen âge
renaissance
vérité
Au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance, les femmes acquièrent le désir et la capacité d’écrire elles-mêmes des histoires édifiantes, belles et véritables, et elles posent à leur mesure la question difficile, à la fois philosophique, théologique et juridique, du rapport entre la beauté, la vérité et l’écriture. Cette étude considère successivement la Vie de sainte Douceline de Digne écrite à la fin du XIIIe siècle par Philippine de Porcellet qui lui a succédé à la tête des béguines de Provence, La Cité des Dames de 1404 de Christine de Pisan, L’Heptaméron de Marguerite de Navarre composé à partir des années 1520, dans la mesure où ces textes correspondent à trois étapes significatives de l’histoire de la littérature française du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance, et de l’élaboration des rapports entre la beauté et la vérité dans la littérature. Ces trois exemples d’ «histoires belles et véritables» des femmes montrent bien comment les femmes, en nouant les rapports entre la beauté et la vérité, imposent leur présence dans la littérature. Découvrant le pouvoir des «histoires belles et véritables», elles en tirent non seulement une reconnaissance religieuse, culturelle, sociale, mais aussi une meilleure connaissance d’elles-mêmes et du monde qui les entoure, une aptitude à affirmer et légitimer efficacement leur intelligence et leur liberté.
In the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, women acquired the desire and the ability to write their own inspiring, beautiful, and true stories, and raised the difficult question of the relationship between beauty, truth, and writing, which was at once philosophical, theological, and juridical in nature. This study considers successively the Life of St. Douceline de Digne, written in the late thirteenth century by Philippine de Porcellet—who succeeded her as head of the beguines of Provence—The City of Ladies authored by Christine de Pizan in 1404, and Marguerite de Navarre’s Heptameron, composed after the 1520s. These texts represent three significant milestones in the history of the French literature of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, and in the development of the relationship between beauty and truth in literature. These three examples of “beautiful and true stories” illustrate how women, by establishing the relationship between beauty and truth, imposed their presence in literature. Discovering the power of “beautiful and true stories”, they used them to obtain not only religious, cultural, and social recognition, but also a better knowledge of themselves and the world around them, and an ability to effectively assert and legitimize their intelligence and freedom.
Au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance, les femmes acquièrent le désir et la capacité d’écrire elles-mêmes des histoires édifiantes, belles et véritables, et elles posent à leur mesure la question difficile, à la fois philosophique, théologique et juridique, du rapport entre la beauté, la vérité et l’écriture. Cette étude considère successivement la Vie de sainte Douceline de Digne écrite à la fin du XIIIe siècle par Philippine de Porcellet qui lui a succédé à la tête des béguines de Provence, La Cité des Dames de 1404 de Christine de Pisan, L’Heptaméron de Marguerite de Navarre composé à partir des années 1520, dans la mesure où ces textes correspondent à trois étapes significatives de l’histoire de la littérature française du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance, et de l’élaboration des rapports entre la beauté et la vérité dans la littérature. Ces trois exemples d’ «histoires belles et véritables» des femmes montrent bien comment les femmes, en nouant les rapports entre la beauté et la vérité, imposent leur présence dans la littérature. Découvrant le pouvoir des «histoires belles et véritables», elles en tirent non seulement une reconnaissance religieuse, culturelle, sociale, mais aussi une meilleure connaissance d’elles-mêmes et du monde qui les entoure, une aptitude à affirmer et légitimer efficacement leur intelligence et leur liberté.
Au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance, les femmes acquièrent le désir et la capacité d’écrire elles-mêmes des histoires édifiantes, belles et véritables, et elles posent à leur mesure la question difficile, à la fois philosophique, théologique et juridique, du rapport entre la beauté, la vérité et l’écriture. Cette étude considère successivement la Vie de sainte Douceline de Digne écrite à la fin du XIIIe siècle par Philippine de Porcellet qui lui a succédé à la tête des béguines de Provence, La Cité des Dames de 1404 de Christine de Pisan, L’Heptaméron de Marguerite de Navarre composé à partir des années 1520, dans la mesure où ces textes correspondent à trois étapes significatives de l’histoire de la littérature française du Moyen Age et de la Renaissance, et de l’élaboration des rapports entre la beauté et la vérité dans la littérature. Ces trois exemples d’ «histoires belles et véritables» des femmes montrent bien comment les femmes, en nouant les rapports entre la beauté et la vérité, imposent leur présence dans la littérature. Découvrant le pouvoir des «histoires belles et véritables», elles en tirent non seulement une reconnaissance religieuse, culturelle, sociale, mais aussi une meilleure connaissance d’elles-mêmes et du monde qui les entoure, une aptitude à affirmer et légitimer efficacement leur intelligence et leur liberté.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-06-22
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14040
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 5: Primavera 2015; 88-106
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Spring 2015; 88-106
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 5: Primavera 2015; 88-106
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 5: Primavera 2015; 88-106
2014-7023
fra
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14040/17346
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14040/17347
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14945
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
The Casket of Hisham and its Epigraphy
La arqueta de Hišām: su epigrafía
Labarta, Ana
Silversmithing
Caliphate
10th c.
al-Ḥakam II
Arabic epigraphy
casket of Hišām
Girona
Platería califal
siglo X
al-Ḥakam II
epigrafía árabe
arqueta de Hišām
Gerona
The casket now in the Museum of the Cathedral of Girona is an unparalleled piece of silversmithing from the Caliphate of Cordoba. It is a unique object both because of the historical information it provides and due to its artistic value. It was commissioned by al-Ḥakam II as a gift for his son, the future Caliph Hišām II, and it can be dated to 976 or a little earlier. This essay offers for the first time the complete reading of its external dedicatory inscription, and it also includes an extensive historiographic review of the studies devoted to it. The names mentioned in the casket inscriptions are then discussed, as well as the date of its production and its possible use. The author raises some of the questions suggested by this object that need to be further researched, as its appearance in Girona in the 19th century without evidence about its provenance.
La arqueta andalusí que se conserva en la Catedral de Girona es una pieza sin igual de la platería califal cordobesa; es única tanto por su información histórica como por su valor artístico. Mandada hacer por al-Ḥakam II para obsequiar a su hijo, el futuro califa Hišām II, se fecha en 976 o poco antes. Este artículo ofrece por primera vez la lectura completa del epígrafe de la dedicatoria que la decora exteriormente. Se hace un amplio recorrido historiográfico de los trabajos que han tratado de ella. Se comentan los nombres de los personajes mencionados en la inscripción exterior y en la del cierre, la fecha de realización y su posible función. Se plantean algunos interrogantes que suscita su estudio y que quedan por investigar, como su aparición en Girona en el s. XIX sin que haya noticias sobre su anterior paradero.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-12-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 6: Tardor 2015; 1-24
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Autumn 2015; 1-24
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 6: Otoño 2015; 1-24
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Tardor 2015; 1-24
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14945/18113
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14945/18114
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14946
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
‘Its Wood is Used to Construct Alfarjes for Royal Palaces’: Tortosa as a Centre for the Production and Distribution of Timber
“Con su madera se hacen alfarjes para edificios regios”: Tortosa como centro de producción y distribución de madera para la construcción
Vidal Franquet, Jacobo
timber construction
timber trade
woods
middle ages
Crown of Aragon
Tortosa
construcción con madera
comercio de madera
bosques
edad media
Corona de Aragón
Tortosa
This article attempts to provide an overview of the production and distribution of timber conducted from Tortosa during medieval and modern times, and tries to prove that—together with the city of Valencia—the capital of the Lower Ebro was a key point in the old Crown of Aragon.
En este artículo se intenta ofrecer un panorama general de la producción y distribución de madera para construir que se llevó a cabo desde Tortosa durante época medieval y moderna, y se intenta demostrar que –junto a la ciudad de Valencia– la capital del Bajo Ebro fue un punto clave en la antigua Corona de Aragón
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-12-21
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14946
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 6: Tardor 2015; 25-47
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Autumn 2015; 25-47
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 6: Otoño 2015; 25-47
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Tardor 2015; 25-47
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14946/18116
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14946/18115
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14947
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Figures and Letters. A Methodological Remark on the Inscriptions in Catalan Romanesque Mural Paintings
Des figures et des lettres. Note méthodologique sur les inscriptions dans la peinture murale romane de Catalogne
Debiais, Vincent
medieval epigraphy
mural paintings
Romanesque art
Catalan art
liturgy
palaeography
inscription
iconography
Bible
épigraphie médiévale
peintures murales
art roman
art catalan
liturgie
paléographie
inscription
iconographie
Bible
Inscriptions are numerous in the corpus of Catalan mural paintings, which thus provides a vast laboratory to understand the place of inscriptions in painted decoration and how iconic and alphabetic signs interact throughout the building, and possibly in the staging of the liturgical ritual. This article does not intend to draw up a complete corpus of Romanesque painted inscriptions in Catalonia; rather, it aims to consider how the relationship between text and image show the active role of writing in the production of meaning within the general dynamics of the building (liturgical, communal, symbolic dynamic, etc.). Raising the question of the “function” of inscriptions and studying some painted inscriptions, this paper hopes to promote a closer reading of the epigraphic texts of Catalan painting ; one that is more respectful of the original relationships existing between writing and image in medieval artistic creations.
Les inscriptions dans le corpus de la peinture murale catalane sont très nombreuses. Il constitue un vaste laboratoire d’étude pour comprendre comment l’inscription prend place dans le décor peint et comment les signes iconiques et alphabétiques interagissent à l’échelle du bâtiment, éventuellement dans la mise en scène du rituel liturgique. Cet article n’entend pas dresser le corpus complet des inscriptions peintes romanes de Catalogne ; il envisage plutôt de comment les relations texte/image montrent une écriture active pour produire du sens dans la dynamique générale de l’édifice (dynamique liturgique, communautaire, symbolique, etc.). En reposant la question de la « fonction » des inscriptions et en étudiant quelques inscriptions peintes, cette communication espère promouvoir une lecture plus fine des textes épigraphiques de la peinture catalane, plus respectueuse des relations originales qu’entretiennent, dans la création artistique médiévale, l’écriture et l’image.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-12-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 6: Tardor 2015; 48-66
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Autumn 2015; 48-66
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 6: Otoño 2015; 48-66
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Tardor 2015; 48-66
2014-7023
eng
fra
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14947/18118
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14947/18117
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/14948
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Del «forum Granate» a la fira de Vilafranca. Origen, creació i articulació d’una xarxa de mercats al Penedès feudal (segles ix-xii)
From Forum Granate to Vilafranca's Fair. Origin, Foundation and Articulation of a Market Network in the Feudal Penedès (9th-12th c.)
Soler Sala, Maria
Feudalisme
Economia rural
Mercats i fires
Xarxa d’intercanvis
Territori
GIS
Feudalism
rural economy
Markets and fairs
trade network
territory
GIS
Amb l’objectiu de millorar el nostre coneixement sobre el paper dels mercats en el procés de gènesi i consolidació del feudalisme, aquest treball analitza l’origen de la xarxa d’intercanvis desenvolupada al territori del Penedès entre els segles IX i XII. L’estudi integrat de fonts documentals, arqueològiques i territorials, i la utilització dels Sistemes d’Informació Geogràfica (GIS) en la representació i anàlisi de les dades, permet acostar-nos al procés d’articulació de la xarxa de mercats medieval. L’encontre comercial més antic del Penedès feudal fou el de la Granada, celebrat sobre el traçat de la Via Augusta. A partir del segle XII la seva ascendència va veure’s eclipsada per l’aparició del mercat i fira de Vilafranca del Penedès, que ben aviat es convertirà en el mercat més important d’aquest territori. L’estudi de les motivacions polítiques i econòmiques que ocasionaren aquest canvi de jerarquia ens ajuden a entendre la lògica territorial i comercial del feudalisme. Assistim al procés de creació d’una xarxa de mercats sòlida i ben articulada, liderada per Vilafranca de Penedès i reforçada, a partir del segle XIII, per la institució de nous mercats i fires capaços d’abastir, amb el seu radi d’influència, tot el territori penedesenc.
With the aim of improving our knowledge about the role of markets in the process of genesis and consolidation of feudalism, this paper analyses the origin of the network of exchanges that was developed in the Penedès region between the 9th and the 12th century. The integrated study of documentary, archaeological, and territorial sources, and the use of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in the representation and analysis of data, allow us to approach the process of interaction of the network of medieval markets. The oldest commercial gathering of the Penedès region was the one held in La Granada, located along the axis of the Via Augusta. From the 12th century onwards, the importance of this market was overshadowed by the emergence of the market and fair of Vilafranca, which soon became the most important market in the area. The study of the political and economic motivations that caused this change in the hierarchy helps us understand the territorial and commercial logic of feudalism. We are looking at a strong and well articulated market network, led by Vilafranca del Penedès and reinforced, from the thirteenth century on, by the foundation of new markets and fairs able to supply, with their radius of influence, the entire territory of Penedès.
Universitat de Barcelona
2015-12-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 6: Tardor 2015; 67-86
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Autumn 2015; 67-86
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 6: Otoño 2015; 67-86
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 6: Tardor 2015; 67-86
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14948/18120
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/14948/18119
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/16345
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Between Heavenly and Earthly Liturgy: The Paintings in the Chapel of the Abbey House of Moissac (end of the 12th Century)
Entre liturgie céleste et liturgie terrestre: les pintures de la chapelle du logis abbatial de Moissac (fin du XIIe siècle)
Voyer, Cécile
Moissac
abbot
Tree of Jesse
Christ Pantocrator
liturgy
sacred space
private space of devotion
Moissac
abbé
arbre de Jessé
Maiestas Domini
liturgie
espace sacré
espace privé de dévotion
A wall-painting programme of great quality dating from the late twelfth century is extant in the late eleventh-century lower chapel of the medieval tower located northeast of the apse of the abbey church of Moissac. It is possible that this area belonged to the hôtel Sainte-Foy, which fourteenth-century texts called the aula of the abbot. On the west wall of the chapel, a Tree of Jesse stretches across the barrel vault. The prophets, originally twelve, complete the central image. They are connected to the Apostolic College associated with the Christ Pantocrator placed next to depiction of Christ’s lineage. Besides the semantic richness of each image, their association in the space of the chapel is particularly significant. The polysemic programme evokes not only the continuity between the Old and New Testaments, but also, especially, the reaffirmation of the dual nature of Christ in the liturgical space and the meaning of the Church of Christ. Upon their completion, the paintings of the chapel were the subject of particular attention: they were enriched with glass and metal cabochons, precious pigments, and gold, generating effects for the benefit of the viewers-actors who stood in this space. We will look into both the meaning of these images and the staging of the sacred in a place of private devotion that was reserved for the abbot and the prestigious guests of the abbey.
Dans la chapelle inférieure - construite à la fin du XIe siècle - de la tour médiévale, située au nord-est du chevet de l’église abbatiale de Moissac, a été conservé un décor peint d’une grande qualité, datant de la fin du XIIe siècle. Il est possible que cet espace ait appartenu à l’hôtel Sainte-Foy, désigné par les textes du XIVe siècle comme l’aula de l’abbé. Sur le mur occidental de la chapelle est figuré un arbre de Jessé qui s’étire sur la voûte en berceau plein cintre. Des prophètes, initialement au nombre de douze, complètent l’image centrale. Ils répondaient au collège apostolique associé à la Maiestas Domini, juxtaposée à l’arbre de la lignée christique. Outre la richesse sémantique de chacune des images, leur association dans l’espace de la chapelle est particulièrement signifiante. Polysémique, le décor évoque non seulement la continuité entre l’Ancien et le Nouveau Testament, mais surtout la réaffirmation de la double nature du Christ dans l’espace liturgique et le sens de l’Église du Christ. Au moment de leur réalisation, les peintures de la chapelle ont fait l’objet d’un soin particulier : des inclusions de cabochons en verre ou en métal, des pigments précieux et des apports d’or les enrichissaient, générant des effets sur les spectateurs-acteurs qui se tenaient dans cet espace. Nous nous intéresserons donc à la signification de ces images, à la mise en scène du sacré dans un lieu de dévotion privée, réservé à l’abbé et aux hôtes de prestige accueillis dans l’abbaye.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-06-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 7: Primavera 2016; 1-19
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Spring 2016; 1-19
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 7: Primavera 2016; 1-19
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Primavera 2016; 1-19
2014-7023
eng
fra
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16345/19342
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16345/19343
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/16346
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
The Problem of Contraries and Prime Matter in the Reception of Aristotle’s Physical Corpus in the Work of Thomas Aquinas
El problema de los contrarios y la materia prima en la asimilación del corpus físico de Aristóteles en la obra de Tomás de Aquino
Minecan, Ana María C.
Thomas Aquinas
Aristotle
cosmology
natural principles
contraries
Tomás de Aquino
Aristóteles
cosmología
principios naturales
contrarios
This paper deals with the reception of the Aristotelian physical theory of contraries in the cosmological thought of Thomas Aquinas, developed in the context of the condemnations of Aristotle in the thirteenth century. It also discusses the way in which Aquinas addressed the problems derived from the Aristotelian refutation of the Eleatic theories of Parmenides and Melissus, as well as his acceptance, without significant modifications, of Aristotelian physical mechanics as the architecture of the created world.
El presente artículo aborda la problemática de la asimilación de la teoría física aristotélica de los contrarios en el pensamiento cosmológico de Tomás de Aquino desarrollado en el marco de las condenas antiaristotélicas del siglo XIII. Se analiza el tratamiento ofrecido por el Aquinate a los problemas derivados de la refutación aristotélica de las teorías eleáticas de Parménides y Meliso, así como su aceptación, sin apenas modificaciones, de la mecánica física aristotélica como arquitectura propia del mundo ya creado.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-06-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 7: Primavera 2016; 20-39
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Spring 2016; 20-39
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 7: Primavera 2016; 20-39
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Primavera 2016; 20-39
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16346/19345
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16346/19344
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/16348
2024-03-28T22:30:13Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Els banquers catalans del segle XIV: un primer cens
Catalan Bankers in the 14th century: A First Census
Tello Hernández, Esther
Reixach Sala, Albert
Banca privada
financers
finances públiques
Catalunya baixmedieval
Corona d’Aragó
Private banking
financiers
public finance
Late Medieval Catalonia
Crown of Aragon
Aquest article se centra en la figura dels canviadors o titulars de taules de canvi privades en la Catalunya del període comprès entre aproximadament 1280 i 1400. Se’ls situa dins del conjunt d’agents dels mercats financers (en especial en relació amb les administracions públiques) i es ressalten les especificats dels establiments que regien, autèntiques banques privades. Així mateix, es presenta un primer cens del centenar llarg de professionals del sector que es documenta al principat durant l’època esmentada. I, a part de comentar-ne trets comuns, s’exposen diversos plantejaments de cara a aprofundir en l’estudi del col·lectiu.
This paper focuses on money-changers, owners of private money-changing tables (taules de canvi) in Catalonia between approximately 1280 and 1400. It places them among the group of financial agents (especially with regard to public administrations), and it stresses the particularities of the institutions ruled by them, true private banks. Additionally, it includes a first census of over a hundred bankers documented in the Principality of Catalonia during the aforementioned period. Besides remarking some of their shared characteristics, the paper also presents several approaches to conduct in-depth studies of this group.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-06-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 7: Primavera 2016; 40-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Spring 2016; 40-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 7: Primavera 2016; 40-71
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Primavera 2016; 40-71
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16348/19347
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16348/19346
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/16349
2024-03-28T22:30:14Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Quomodo Scit Quod Mortuus Erat? Els signes de la mort a la Itàlia del Quattrocento
Quomodo Scit Quod Mortuus Erat? Signs of Death in 15th-Century Italy
Nissi, Jyrki
Quattrocento
Itàlia
mort
signes mortals
Quattrocento
Italy
death
signs of death
Els materials hagiogràfics del Quattrocento italià revelen diversos signes de mort que es tenien en compte per confirmar si una persona havia mort o s’apropava a la mort. Els signes més freqüentment repetits són la fredor del cos, canvis en el color de la pell, i la falta de pols o respiració. La pèrdua del coneixement, l’absència de parla i la immobilitat també s’observaven sovint.Una anàlisi en profunditat mostra molts altres senyals inesperats. Alguns signes en els ulls de la gent, les dents o la llengua també podien ser una prova de mort. De vegades, fins i tot les llàgrimes als ulls o la suor al front eren considerats signes mortals. Per a alguns, la posició adoptada per una persona moribunda assenyalava la mort, per exemple, jeure sobre l’esquena o amb el cap cot, com era el costum per als morts. De la mateixa manera, les ferides o el dolor indicaven que la mort s’apropava. Les expressions ‘dents de cera’, ‘llengua negra’, ‘llavis morts’, i ‘suor i llàgrimes de mort’ demostren que les persones observaven senyals que avui no s’associen amb la mort.
Fifteenth-century Italian hagiographic materials reveal several signs of death that were taken into account to confirm whether someone was dead or approaching death. The most frequently repeated signs are the coldness of body, changes in skin colour, and the lack of pulse or breathing. Unconsciousness, speechlessness, and immobility were also often noted.An in-depth analysis shows many other unexpected signs. Some signs on peoples’ eyes, teeth or tongue could also be proof of death. Sometimes even tears or sweat on the forehead were considered as deadly signs. For some people, the position adopted by a dying person signified death, for instance, lying on one’s back or with the head laid down, as was the custom for the dead. Similarly, wounds or pain told about the approaching death. The expressions like ‘waxen teeth’, ‘black tongue’, ‘dead lips’, and ‘sweat and tears of death’ show that people looked for signs that are not associated with death today.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-06-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 7: Primavera 2016; 72-100
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Spring 2016; 72-100
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 7: Primavera 2016; 72-100
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Primavera 2016; 72-100
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16349/19348
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16349/19349
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/16350
2024-03-28T22:30:14Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
«Ni lla pora nuza baisar»: Physical Love and Love Conversations in the Illustrated Manuscript of the Roman de Jaufre (Paris, BNF, fr. 2164)
«Ni lla pora nuza baisar» amore fisico e ragionamenti d’amore nel manoscritto illustrato del Roman de Jaufre (Paris, BNF, fr. 2164)
Vitolo, Anna Lisa
Love
senses
illuminated manuscripts
Middle Ages
Roman de Jaufre
Occitan language
King of Aragon
Aljafería
Zaragoza
amore
sensi
manoscritti miniati
Medioevo
Roman de Jaufre
Occitano
Re d’Aragona
Aljafería
Saragozza
The illustrated manuscript of the Roman de Jaufre is not as simple and naïf as we may think. It is well organized, with approximately 250 illustrated scenes for only 110 folios. The images are always close to the part of the text they illustrate. In the first part of the manuscript we see mainly fighting and chivalrous adventures, with a very realistic, crude, and vivid style. In the second part, after the change of scribe, we see more courtly scenes, with the banquets and the joy of the court for the marriage between the two main characters. On the first folio a winged cupid is shooting an arrow, and the only inhabited initial of the manuscript depicts woman, maybe Brunissen, at the moment of the engagement. In contrast, the image of the marriage looks more like a coronation scene. We know that the roman was dedicated to a king of Aragon; we also know, from codicological, stylistic, and textual evidence, that the manuscript is dated around the second half of the thirteenth century. Therefore, I propose to search for the original context of production the cultured milieu that surrounded the court of Peter the Great of Aragon and Constance of Sicily.
Il manoscritto illustrato del Roman de Jaufre non è così semplice e infantile come si potrebbe pensare. E’ invece ben organizzato, con circa 250 scene illustrate per un totale di 110 carte. The illustrazioni sono sempre vicino ai versi che illustrano. Nella prima parte abbondano le avventure cavalleresche, rese nelle immagini attraverso uno stile realistico, vivace e cruento. Nella seconda parte invece, dopo il cambio di mano del copista, sono più numerose le scene di corte, con banchetti e col matrimonio tra i due protagonisti. Nel primo foglio avevamo trovato un Cupido alato in atto di scagliare una freccia, mentre l’unica lettera abitata del codice rappresenta una donna, forse Brunissen, nel momento in cui avviene il fidanzamento. Il momento del matrimonio invece pare quasi una scena di incoronazione. Sappiamo che il romanzo era dedicato al re d’Aragona, e che, dalle evidenze codicologiche, stilistiche e testuali il manoscritto è datato alla seconda metà del Duecento. Per questo proporrei di cercare come contesto di produzione gli ambienti alti che circondano la corte di Pietro il Grande e Costanza di Sicilia.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-06-21
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SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 7: Primavera 2016; 101-129
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Spring 2016; 101-129
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 7: Primavera 2016; 101-129
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 7: Primavera 2016; 101-129
2014-7023
eng
ita
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16350/19350
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/16350/19351
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/17518
2024-03-28T22:30:14Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Cartografia sonora de la comunicació castral. La fonosfera del corn i del dret a cornar a la Catalunya medieval.
Sound Cartography of the Communication Between Fortifications. The Horn Soundsphere and the Duty to Sound the Horn in Medieval Catalonia
Cartografia sonora de la comunicació castral. La fonosfera del corn i del dret a cornar a la Catalunya medieval.
de Castellet, Laura
Paisatge sonor
fonosfera
castell
corn
dret a cornar
cartografia sonora
Catalunya
Sound landscapes
soundsphere
castle
horn
duty to sound the horn
sound cartography
Catalonia
Paisaje sonoro
fonosfera
castillo
cuerno
derecho a hacer sonar el cuerno
cartografía sonora
Cataluña
La comunicació de caràcter defensiu entre diversos castells i torres a l’època medieval es duia a terme amb senyals visuals, però també calia una alternativa sonora per evitar problemes ambientals i per la seva major rapidesa i mobilitat. Hi ha prou notícies arqueològiques, documentals i iconogràfiques de corns i altres elements emissors de so com per a fer-ne una restitució i comprovar la seva fonosfera –l’abast sonor– sobre el terreny. Diverses proves a partir de paisatges verificats arqueològicament o documental a Catalunya proporcionen dades sobre les xarxes de comunicació sonora i la seva naturalesa social, la rapidesa de l’avís i fins i tot sobre la toponímia d’avís i de guaita, i permeten aventurar una cartografia del paisatge sonor en la comunicació castral.
During the Middle Ages, communication for defensive purposes between castles and towers was done via visual signs, but an additional, faster and mobile method of communication was needed in order to avoid environmental issues. There is abundant archaeological, documentary, as well as iconographic evidence of horns and other sound producing devices to allow us to reconstruct them and carry out an in situ test of their soundsphere–sound range. Tests in archaeologically or documentarily confirmed landscapes provide data about sound communication networks and their social nature, about the speed of transmission, and even about toponymy related to this type of communication and protection. These tests allow also to propose a cartography of the sound landscape of the communication between fortifications.
La comunicació de caràcter defensiu entre diversos castells i torres a l’època medieval es duia a terme amb senyals visuals, però també calia una alternativa sonora per evitar problemes ambientals i per la seva major rapidesa i mobilitat. Hi ha prou notícies arqueològiques, documentals i iconogràfiques de corns i altres elements emissors de so com per a fer-ne una restitució i comprovar la seva fonosfera –l’abast sonor– sobre el terreny. Diverses proves a partir de paisatges verificats arqueològicament o documental a Catalunya proporcionen dades sobre les xarxes de comunicació sonora i la seva naturalesa social, la rapidesa de l’avís i fins i tot sobre la toponímia d’avís i de guaita, i permeten aventurar una cartografia del paisatge sonor en la comunicació castral.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17518
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 8: Tardor 2016; 4-25
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 8: Autumn 2016; 4-25
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 8: Otoño 2016; 4-25
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 8: Tardor 2016; 4-25
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17518/20283
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17518/20284
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/17549
2024-03-28T22:30:14Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Des luths romains aux luths romans. Une enquête archéomusicale sur l’histoire des luths occidentaux avant le XIIIe siècle
From Roman to Romanesque Lutes. An Archaeomusical Research on the History of Western Lutes Before the 13th Century.
Des luths romains aux luths romans. Une enquête archéomusicale sur l’histoire des luths occidentaux avant le XIIIe siècle
Des luths romains aux luths romans. Une enquête archéomusicale sur l’histoire des luths occidentaux avant le XIIIe siècle
Féraud, Olivier
Archéomusicologie
organologie
luth
Roi David
Théophanie
Archaeomusicology
organology
lute
King David
Theophany
Archéomusicologie
organologie
luth
Roi David
Théophanie
Archéomusicologie
organologie
luth
Roi David
Théophanie
Partant d’une étude iconographique comparée allant jusqu’à l’expérimentation musicale, cet article se propose de caractériser d’un point de vue organologique les instruments de type “luth” que l’iconographie musicale ouest-européenne du Moyen Âge donne à voir avant l’introduction du luth de tradition arabo-andalouse en Europe au XIIIe siècle. La recherche de traits communs avec les luths représentés dans l’iconographie grecque et romaine permet de dégager une filiation organologique entre les luths antiques et les luths figurés à l’époque romane. Plus avant, l’observation de la répartition géographique des représentations des luths du Haut Moyen Âge permet donne à réfléchir aux relations culturelles entre l’Empire carolingien et l’Empire Byzantin en tant qu’elles ont pu favoriser la diffusion de ces instruments méconnus. Ces instruments informent également sur les relations qu’ils ont pu entretenir avec les vièles lors de l’introduction de l’archet ainsi que sur la route parcourue par celui-ci.
On the basis of iconographical studies and musical experiments, this paper aims to give an organological description of the necked plucked musical instruments that can be observed in Western medieval sources before the diffusion of the arabo-andalousian lute in 13th-century Europe. Underlining common traits with lutes represented in greek and roman iconography allows to draw an organological filiation between ancient and romanic lutes. Furthermore, the observation of the geographic distribution of the representations of lutes in the Early Middle Ages gives reason to reflect on the cultural relationships between the Carolingian and Byzantine empires in so far as they both could have encourage the diffusion of these not well-known instruments. Theses lutes also give information about their ties with the fiddles during the introduction of the bow and about its route to Europe.
Partant d’une étude iconographique comparée allant jusqu’à l’expérimentation musicale, cet article se propose de caractériser d’un point de vue organologique les instruments de type “luth” que l’iconographie musicale ouest-européenne du Moyen Âge donne à voir avant l’introduction du luth de tradition arabo-andalouse en Europe au XIIIe siècle. La recherche de traits communs avec les luths représentés dans l’iconographie grecque et romaine permet de dégager une filiation organologique entre les luths antiques et les luths figurés à l’époque romane. Plus avant, l’observation de la répartition géographique des représentations des luths du Haut Moyen Âge permet donne à réfléchir aux relations culturelles entre l’Empire carolingien et l’Empire Byzantin en tant qu’elles ont pu favoriser la diffusion de ces instruments méconnus. Ces instruments informent également sur les relations qu’ils ont pu entretenir avec les vièles lors de l’introduction de l’archet ainsi que sur la route parcourue par celui-ci.
Partant d’une étude iconographique comparée allant jusqu’à l’expérimentation musicale, cet article se propose de caractériser d’un point de vue organologique les instruments de type “luth” que l’iconographie musicale ouest-européenne du Moyen Âge donne à voir avant l’introduction du luth de tradition arabo-andalouse en Europe au XIIIe siècle. La recherche de traits communs avec les luths représentés dans l’iconographie grecque et romaine permet de dégager une filiation organologique entre les luths antiques et les luths figurés à l’époque romane. Plus avant, l’observation de la répartition géographique des représentations des luths du Haut Moyen Âge permet donne à réfléchir aux relations culturelles entre l’Empire carolingien et l’Empire Byzantin en tant qu’elles ont pu favoriser la diffusion de ces instruments méconnus. Ces instruments informent également sur les relations qu’ils ont pu entretenir avec les vièles lors de l’introduction de l’archet ainsi que sur la route parcourue par celui-ci.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17549
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 8: Tardor 2016; 26-58
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 8: Autumn 2016; 26-58
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 8: Otoño 2016; 26-58
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 8: Tardor 2016; 26-58
2014-7023
eng
fra
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17549/20312
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17549/20314
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/17578
2024-03-28T22:30:14Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Stéréophonie et littérature : résonnance et reverbération dans les chansons de gestes et romans des XIIe et XIIIe siècles
Stereophony and Literature: Resonance and Reverberation in the Chansons de Gestes and Romances of the 12th and 13th Centuries
Stéréophonie et littérature : résonnance et reverbération dans les chansons de gestes et romans des XIIe et XIIIe siècles
Stéréophonie et littérature : résonnance et reverbération dans les chansons de gestes et romans des XIIe et XIIIe siècles
Fritz, Jean-Marie
Chanson de geste
roman courtois
paysage sonore
chasse
bruit
Chanson de geste
chivalric romance
sound landscape
hunting
noise
Chanson de geste
roman courtois
paysage sonore
chasse
bruit
Chanson de geste
roman courtois
paysage sonore
chasse
bruit
Les cançons de gesta i els romans cavallerescos dels segles XII i XIII són un fidel testimoni de la realitat del seu temps, i d’entre aquests testimonis s’hi compten les percepcions sensorials. La literatura no només narra un fets descriptius i objectius sinó també les impressions que percep i transmet qui escriu, sensacions de les quals cal que s’impregni el lector per tal de fer-se seva la narració. Els esments respecte a efectes sonors i a les qualitats sonores dels espais són remarcables, i un buidatge d’aquestes cites en els textos literaris permet analitzar els sons, les ressonàncies o els espais en què el fet sonor pren protagonisme en l’esdevenir del discurs, ja siguin espais tancats com sales i palaus o bé espais oberts com el bosc o les escenes de batalla o de cacera. La veu, el crit, el toc d’instruments, el gest sonor o la vivència sonora de l’espai prenen així un caràcter teatral que forma part de la lectura, i els autors evoquen sovint l’efecte de la ressonància, l’eco, la reverberància i l’efecte estereofònic, conferint al text les qualitats emocionals d’una banda sonora.
The chansons de geste and chivalric romances from the 12th and 13th centuries are a faithful testimony of the reality of their time, and sensory perceptions are among these testimonies. The written word provides not only descriptive and objective information, but also the impressions perceived and conveyed by the author, which are the sensations the reader has to get acquainted with in order to make the story their own. Mentions to sound effects and the sound features of a particular space are remarkable, and a compilation of these references from various texts allows us to study the sounds, resonances, and spaces through which the sound event gains prominence in the narrative. These include confined spaces such as halls and palaces, and open spaces such as woods, and war and hunting scenes. The voices, cries, sounds of instruments, sound gestures, and sound experiences of spaces thus acquire a theatrical quality that becomes part of the reading experience. The authors often evoke the effect of a resonance, an echo, a reverberation or a stereophonic effect, thus endowing the text with the emotional qualities of a soundtrack.
Les cançons de gesta i els romans cavallerescos dels segles XII i XIII són un fidel testimoni de la realitat del seu temps, i d’entre aquests testimonis s’hi compten les percepcions sensorials. La literatura no només narra un fets descriptius i objectius sinó també les impressions que percep i transmet qui escriu, sensacions de les quals cal que s’impregni el lector per tal de fer-se seva la narració. Els esments respecte a efectes sonors i a les qualitats sonores dels espais són remarcables, i un buidatge d’aquestes cites en els textos literaris permet analitzar els sons, les ressonàncies o els espais en què el fet sonor pren protagonisme en l’esdevenir del discurs, ja siguin espais tancats com sales i palaus o bé espais oberts com el bosc o les escenes de batalla o de cacera. La veu, el crit, el toc d’instruments, el gest sonor o la vivència sonora de l’espai prenen així un caràcter teatral que forma part de la lectura, i els autors evoquen sovint l’efecte de la ressonància, l’eco, la reverberància i l’efecte estereofònic, conferint al text les qualitats emocionals d’una banda sonora.
Les cançons de gesta i els romans cavallerescos dels segles XII i XIII són un fidel testimoni de la realitat del seu temps, i d’entre aquests testimonis s’hi compten les percepcions sensorials. La literatura no només narra un fets descriptius i objectius sinó també les impressions que percep i transmet qui escriu, sensacions de les quals cal que s’impregni el lector per tal de fer-se seva la narració. Els esments respecte a efectes sonors i a les qualitats sonores dels espais són remarcables, i un buidatge d’aquestes cites en els textos literaris permet analitzar els sons, les ressonàncies o els espais en què el fet sonor pren protagonisme en l’esdevenir del discurs, ja siguin espais tancats com sales i palaus o bé espais oberts com el bosc o les escenes de batalla o de cacera. La veu, el crit, el toc d’instruments, el gest sonor o la vivència sonora de l’espai prenen així un caràcter teatral que forma part de la lectura, i els autors evoquen sovint l’efecte de la ressonància, l’eco, la reverberància i l’efecte estereofònic, conferint al text les qualitats emocionals d’una banda sonora.
Universitat de Barcelona
2016-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17578
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 8: Tardor 2016; 59-74
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 8: Autumn 2016; 59-74
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 8: Otoño 2016; 59-74
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 8: Tardor 2016; 59-74
2014-7023
eng
fra
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17578/20340
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/17578/20343
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/19698
2017-10-16T19:04:55Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Scultura in pezzi: appunti sulla scultura alto medievale di santa prassede
Broken Sculptures: Remarks on the Early Medieval Sculptures of Santa Prassede
Scultura in pezzi: appunti sulla scultura alto medievale di Santa Prassede
Ballardini, Antonella
scultura alto medievale
arredo liturgico
Santa Prassede
Roma
Oratorio di San Zenone
Pasquale I
Early Medieval Sculpture
Liturgical Furnishings
Santa Prassede
Rome
Oratory of San Zenone
Pope Paschal I
Dedicato ai frammenti scultorei della basilica di Santa Prassede (817-824), il contributo propone alcune riflessioni su un episodio emblematico dell’età classica e creativa della scultura alto medievale a Roma.
This paper looks into the fragments of liturgical furniture of Santa Prassede (817-824): an emblematic example of classical and creative sculpture in the early medieval Rome.
Dedicato ai frammenti scultorei della basilica di Santa Prassede (817-824), il contributo propone alcune riflessioni su un episodio emblematico dell’età classica e creativa della scultura alto medievale a Roma.
Universitat de Barcelona
2017-07-28
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19698
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 9: Primavera 2017; 5-28
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Spring 2017; 5-28
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 9: Primavera 2017; 5-28
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Primavera 2017; 5-28
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19698/22024
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19698/22025
Drets d'autor (c) 2017 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/19699
2018-08-08T17:25:03Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
S. Prassede: Linee di ricerca sul luogo e sui valori spaziali della basilica di Pasquale I
Santa Prassede: Research Lines on the Location and Spatial Values of Paschal I's Basilica
S. Prassede: linee di ricerca sul luogo e sui vaLori spaziali della Basilica di Pasquale I
Caperna, Maurizio
Architettura del IX secolo
Santa Prassede
Santa Cecilia
Santa Maria in Domnica
Valori proporzionali
9th-century architecture
Santa Prassede
Santa Cecilia
Santa Maria in Domnica
proportions
Architettura del IX secolo
Santa Prassede
Santa Cecilia
Santa Maria in Domnica
Valori proporzionali
Nell’articolo l’iniziativa di costruzione della chiesa di S. Prassede viene affrontata dapprima riguardo al tema della collocazione della fabbrica in rapporto alle condizioni del sito e successivamente riguardo al criterio progettuale adottato: questioni che ovviamente si connettono fra loro, e che consentono una rilettura dell’intervento, sia ai fini di una comprensione del valore urbano dell’iniziativa, sia rispetto alla conformazione spaziale che contraddistingue l’organismo. I valori proporzionali dell’edificio vengono confrontati a quelli delle altre due chiese realizzate da Pasquale I, S. Cecilia e S. Maria in Domnica, soffermandosi in particolare sull’aspetto peculiare della dilatazione della navata centrale in rapporto alle navate laterali.
In this article, the construction of the church of S. Prassede is addressed with regard to the location of the building—in relation to the conditions of the site—and to the design criterion. These issues are obviously connected and allow for a reinterpretation of the building, both for the understanding of its urban significance and regarding the particular spatial configuration of its structure. The proportions of the building are compared to those of the other two churches commissioned by Paschal I, that is, S. Cecilia and S. Maria in Domnica, particularly focusing on the unusual expansion of the central nave in relation to the lateral aisles.
Nell’articolo l’iniziativa di costruzione della chiesa di S. Prassede viene affrontata dapprima riguardo al tema della collocazione della fabbrica in rapporto alle condizioni del sito e successivamente riguardo al criterio progettuale adottato: questioni che ovviamente si connettono fra loro, e che consentono una rilettura dell’intervento, sia ai fini di una comprensione del valore urbano dell’iniziativa, sia rispetto alla conformazione spaziale che contraddistingue l’organismo. I valori proporzionali dell’edificio vengono confrontati a quelli delle altre due chiese realizzate da Pasquale I, S. Cecilia e S. Maria in Domnica, soffermandosi in particolare sull’aspetto peculiare della dilatazione della navata centrale in rapporto alle navate laterali.
Universitat de Barcelona
2017-07-28
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19699
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 9: Primavera 2017; 29-46
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Spring 2017; 29-46
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 9: Primavera 2017; 29-46
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Primavera 2017; 29-46
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19699/22026
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19699/22027
Drets d'autor (c) 2017 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/19700
2017-11-09T20:22:48Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La rivoluzione del rilevamento architettonico: Santa Prassede, un rilievo (in corso) per la conoscenza
The Revolution of Architectural Survey: Santa Prassede, an (Ongoing) Survey for Knowledge
La rivoluzione del rilevamento architettonico: santa prassede, un rilievo (in corso) per la conoscenza
Carpiceci, Marco
Santa Prassede
rilievo architettonico
scansione laser
rilievo cromatico
Santa Prassede
architectural survey
laser scanning
chromatic detection
Santa Prassede
rilievo architettonico
scansione laser
rilievo cromatico
Il rilievo architettonico è materia viva. Parlare del rilievo di un dato monumento significa quindi “sempre” descrivere un lavoro in essere. Il rilievo è l’operazione critica attraverso la quale si indaga una data struttura architettonica, la si misura, e la si rappresenta. Per Santa Prassede, al momento, ci sono quindi 35 scansioni che ricoprono gran parte dell’interno della chiesa. Mancano le altre cappelle laterali, la cripta e il campanile, che verranno rilevate quest’anno. Si provvederà anche a rilevamento cromatico delle zone interne coperte a mosaico. Per realizzare le riprese si utilizzerà una fotocamera digitale ad alta risoluzione ed un’illuminazione omogenea in maniera da eliminare alterazioni della luce nelle variazioni chiaroscurali e nelle zone d’ombra. L’elaborazione successiva prevede la realizzazione del modello geometrico (o modello solido). Una volta ottenuto questo si passa all’analisi grafica, ossia la scomposizione della struttura architettonica in elementi coerenti, tutto operato attraverso la rappresentazione. Una sorta di reverse engineering architettonico, che, partendo dall’oggetto così come lo si vede, ne ricostruisce gli elementi componenti, selezionandoli in base alla datazione, al materiale, alla funzione. Questo al fine di poter strutturare (ma non solo) ipotesi ricostruttive della consistenza del monumento nel corso del tempo.
The architectural survey is a living matter. The survey of a monument always entails the description of a work in progress. The survey is a critical operation whereby you can study, measure, and represent an architectural structure. In the case of Santa Prassede, there are at the moment 35 scans that cover most of the interior of the church. The other lateral chapels, the crypt, and the bell tower, which will be studied this year, are currently missing. The colour of the areas covered with mosaics will be also analysed. A high-resolution digital camera and homogeneous illumination will be used to avoid light variations in the chiaroscuro effects and in the shadows. Subsequent processing involves the elaboration of a geometric model (or solid model). Once this model is built, the next step is the graphical analysis, that is, the decomposition of the architectural structure in coherent elements. It’s a sort of architectural reverse engineering, which, starting from the object as we see it, reconstructs the component elements, selecting them based on dating, material, and functionality. This is done in order to develop (but not only) a reconstructive hypothesis of the consistency of the monument over time.
Il rilievo architettonico è materia viva. Parlare del rilievo di un dato monumento signi ca quindi “sempre” descrivere un lavoro in essere. Il rilievo è l’operazione critica attraverso la quale si indaga una data struttura architettonica, la si misura, e la si rappresenta. Per Santa Prassede, al momento, ci sono quindi 35 scansioni che ricoprono gran parte dell’interno della chiesa. Mancano le altre cappelle laterali, la cripta e il campanile, che verranno rilevate quest’anno. Si provvederà anche a rilevamento cromatico delle zone interne coperte a mosaico. Per realizzare le riprese si utilizzerà una fotocamera digitale ad alta risoluzione ed un’illuminazione omogenea in maniera da eliminare alterazioni della luce nelle variazioni chiaroscurali e nelle zone d’ombra. L’elaborazione successiva prevede la realizzazione del modello geometrico (o modello solido). Una volta ottenuto questo si passa all’analisi gra ca, ossia la scomposizione della struttura architettonica in elementi coerenti, tutto operato attraverso la rappresentazione. Una sorta di reverse engineering architettonico, che, partendo dall’oggetto così come lo si vede, ne ricostruisce gli elementi componenti, selezionandoli in base alla datazione, al materiale, alla funzione. Questo al ne di poter strutturare (ma non solo) ipotesi ricostruttive della consistenza del monumento nel corso del tempo.
Universitat de Barcelona
2017-07-28
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19700
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 9: Primavera 2017; 47-63
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Spring 2017; 47-63
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 9: Primavera 2017; 47-63
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Primavera 2017; 47-63
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19700/22029
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19700/22028
Drets d'autor (c) 2017 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/19701
2017-11-20T14:11:45Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Dipingere a Roma al Tempo di Pasquale I: S. Prassede all'Esquilino e S. Cecilia in Trastevere
Painting in Rome in the Time of Paschal I: Santa Prassede all'Esquilino and Santa Cecilia in Trastevere
Dipingere a Roma al Tempo di Pasquale I: S. Prassede all'Esquilino e S. Cecilia in Trastevere
Bordi, Giulia
Mancho, Carles
Valentini, Valeria
Santa Prassede
Santa Cecilia
Paschal I
Mosaic
Affreschi
Rome
Pontiff
Martyrs
Santa Prassede
Santa Cecilia
Pasquale I
Mosaico
Affreschi
Roma
Pontefice
Martiri
Il complesso basilicale di S. Prassede, realizzato da Pasquale I (817-824) all’inizio del suo pontificato, conserva uno dei cicli affrescati più importante della città di Roma altomedievale, e che insieme all’architettura e ai mosaici di questa stessa basilica, concorrono a creare un monumento privilegiato per lo studio della produzione artistica di inizio IX secolo. In questa sede proponiamo un primo approccio allo studio di questi affreschi finora poco indagati e una revisione di quanto detto fino ad oggi su un altro complesso legato alla figura di Pasquale I, S. Cecilia in Trastevere, e più precisamente sulla decorazione del suo battistero. Questa ricerca fa parte di un progetto più ambizioso in cui si punta ad approfondire la Roma di Pasquale I in occasione del 12º centenario dell’insediamento del pontefice.
The basilical complex of S. Prassede, commissioned by Paschal I (817-824) at the beginning of his papacy, houses one of the most important frescoe cycles of early medieval Rome, which, together with the architecture and mosaics of this same basilica, turn it into a privileged monument for the study of the artistic production of the early ninth century. This paper proposes a first approach to these so far barely explored frescoes, and a state-of-the-art review of another complex linked to Paschal I, S. Cecilia in Trastevere, and more specifically of the decoration of its baptistery. This research is part of a more ambitious project aimed at deepening our understanding of Rome in times of Paschal I on the occasion of the 1200th anniversary of his elevation as pope.
Il complesso basilicale di S. Prassede, realizzato da Pasquale I (817-824) all’inizio del suo ponti cato, conserva uno dei cicli affrescati più importante della città di Roma altomedievale, e che insieme all’architettura e ai mosaici di questa stessa basilica, concorrono a creare un monumento privilegiato per lo studio della produzione artistica di inizio IX secolo. In questa sede proponiamo un primo approccio allo studio di questi affreschi nora poco indagati e una revisione di quanto detto no ad oggi su un altro complesso legato alla gura di Pasquale I, S. Cecilia in Trastevere, e più precisamente sulla decorazione del suo battistero. Questa ricerca fa parte di un progetto più ambizioso in cui si punta ad approfondire la Roma di Pasquale I in occasione del 12o centenario dell’insediamento del ponte ce.
Universitat de Barcelona
2017-07-28
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19701
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 9: Primavera 2017; 64-101
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Spring 2017; 64-101
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 9: Primavera 2017; 64-101
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Primavera 2017; 64-101
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19701/22031
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19701/22030
Drets d'autor (c) 2017 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/19702
2018-01-08T19:06:33Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Spunti di riflessione e appunti intorno alla biografia di Pasquale I (817-824) nel Liber Pontificalis Romano
Insights and Remarks on the Biography of Paschal I (817-824) in the Liber Pontificalis
Spunti di riflessione e appunti intorno alla biografia di Pasquale I (817-824) nel Liber Pontificalis Romano
Verardi, Andrea Antonio
Ludovico Il Pio
Sacro Romano Impero
Papato Altomedievale
Fonti
Biografie storiche
Attraverso una rilettura delle principali fonti franche e romane utili per la ricostruzione delle vicende relative al pontificato di papa Pasquale I (817-824), l’autore propone l’ipotesi che la biografia presente nel Liber Pontificalis romano sia stata redatta sia per rispondere ad alcune accuse mosse dagli oppositori del papa in città e all’interno del mondo franco, sia che la costruzione della figura di Pasquale (monaco ma anche sovrano misericordioso) possa corrispondere alla caratterizzazione che negli stessi anni è usata anche per la rappresentazione dell’imperatore Ludovico il Pio, indicando quale spunto per il prosieguo della ricerca la possibilità di individuare analizzare puntualmente questi rapporti con per chiarire gli influssi e le implicazioni culturali e ecclesiologiche.
Through a reinterpretation of the main Frankish and Roman sources useful for the reconstruction of the events related to the ponti cate of Pope Paschal I (817-824), the author proposes the hypothesis that this biography in the Liber Ponti calis was written both to answer some accusations made by opponents of the pope in the city and in the Carolingian world; whether the construction of the gure of Pasquale (monaco but also merciful ruler) may correspond to the characterization that in the same year is also used for the representation of the Emperor Louis the Pious. The author also indicates that inspiration for the rest of the research can promptly analyze these reports in order to clarify the in uences and cultural and ecclesiological implications.
Attraverso una rilettura delle principali fonti franche e romane utili per la ricostruzione delle vicende relative al pontificato di papa Pasquale I (817-824), l’autore propone l’ipotesi che la biografia presente nel Liber Pontificalis romano sia stata redatta sia per rispondere ad alcune accuse mosse dagli oppositori del papa in città e all’interno del mondo franco, sia che la costruzione della figura di Pasquale (monaco ma anche sovrano misericordioso) possa corrispondere alla caratterizzazione che negli stessi anni è usata anche per la rappresentazione dell’imperatore Ludovico il Pio, indicando quale spunto per il prosieguo della ricerca la possibilità di individuare analizzare puntualmente questi rapporti con per chiarire gli influssi e le implicazioni culturali e ecclesiologiche.
Universitat de Barcelona
2017-07-28
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19702
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 9: Primavera 2017; 102-120
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Spring 2017; 102-120
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 9: Primavera 2017; 102-120
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 9: Primavera 2017; 102-120
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19702/22033
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/19702/22032
Drets d'autor (c) 2017 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/21465
2018-02-03T20:59:54Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Tra le immagini e il testo del De vita et Obitu Sancti Gulielmi: raffigurazione del santo vercellese fondatore di Montevergine
Between the images and the text of the De vita et obitu sancti Gulielmi: A portrait of William of Vercelli, founder of Montevergine
Tra le immagini e il testo del De vita et Obitu Sancti Gulielmi: raffigurazione del santo vercellese fondatore di Montevergine
Tra le immagini e il testo del De vita et Obitu Sancti Gulielmi: raffigurazione del santo vercellese fondatore di Montevergine
de Duonni, Veronica
Montevergine
Guglielmo da Vercelli
iconografia
manoscritto
agiografia
Sud Italia
Montevergine
Guglielmo da Vercelli
iconography
manuscript
hagiography
Southern Italy
Montevergine
Guglielmo da Vercelli
iconografia
manoscritto
agiografia
Sud Italia
Montevergine
Guglielmo da Vercelli
iconografia
manoscritto
agiografia
Sud Italia
Di Guglielmo da Vercelli, fondatore dell’abbazia di Montevergine vicino Avellino, solo recentemente è stata de nita la sua spiritualità. Nonostante sia sopravvissuto il manoscritto contenente la sua vita e miracoli (Montevergine, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, ms. 1), dif cile è coniugare quanto narrato con le poche testimonianze artistiche. Nelle miniature che decorano il codice, il santo è raf gurato con un particolare abito che non trova seguito nella tradizione successiva verginiana. In questo contributo si è cercato di far luce sull’iconogra a del santo, congiungendo il racconto agiogra co con le immagini.
The spirituality of William of Vercelli, founder of the abbey of Montevergine near Avellino, has been de ned only recently. Despite the survival of the manuscript containing his life and miracles (Montevergine, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, MS 1), it is dif cult to combine this account with the few artistic testimonies. In the miniatures decorating the code, the saint is depicted donning a speci c habit that does not appear in the later tradition of the abbey. In this contribution I will try to clarify the iconography of the saint by combining the hagiographic narration with the images.
Di Guglielmo da Vercelli, fondatore dell’abbazia di Montevergine vicino Avellino, solo recentemente è stata de nita la sua spiritualità. Nonostante sia sopravvissuto il manoscritto contenente la sua vita e miracoli (Montevergine, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, ms. 1), dif cile è coniugare quanto narrato con le poche testimonianze artistiche. Nelle miniature che decorano il codice, il santo è raf gurato con un particolare abito che non trova seguito nella tradizione successiva verginiana. In questo contributo si è cercato di far luce sull’iconogra a del santo, congiungendo il racconto agiogra co con le immagini.
Di Guglielmo da Vercelli, fondatore dell’abbazia di Montevergine vicino Avellino, solo recentemente è stata de nita la sua spiritualità. Nonostante sia sopravvissuto il manoscritto contenente la sua vita e miracoli (Montevergine, Biblioteca dell’Abbazia, ms. 1), dif cile è coniugare quanto narrato con le poche testimonianze artistiche. Nelle miniature che decorano il codice, il santo è raf gurato con un particolare abito che non trova seguito nella tradizione successiva verginiana. In questo contributo si è cercato di far luce sull’iconogra a del santo, congiungendo il racconto agiogra co con le immagini.
Universitat de Barcelona
2018-02-03
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21465
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 10: Tardor 2017; 1-14
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Autumn 2017; 1-14
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 10: Otoño 2017; 1-14
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Tardor 2017; 1-14
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21465/23245
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21465/23248
Drets d'autor (c) 2018 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/21466
2018-02-03T20:59:54Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
A Close-Up Look of Hishām’s Casket
La arqueta de Hišām vista de cerca
Labarta, Ana
Silverware
Caliphate
10th c.
al-Ḥakam II
Gerona casket
Platería califal
s. X
al-Ḥakam II
arqueta de Hišām
Gerona
The present article studies the Andalusian casket that has been kept in the Cathedral of Girona since at least 1511. This is the only surviving example of an object made in precious metal for an Andalusi caliph. It was commissioned by al-Ḥakam II as a gift for his son Hishām, the heir to the caliphate, and can be dated to 976 or a little earlier. This essay describes its shape, offers its measures and comments in detail the different components of this unique piece of silverware: the wooden box, the gilded silver plates that cover it, and the other pieces of metalwork (handle, metal mounts, clasp). It deals with the motifs and the techniques (embossing, gilding, and niello) used in its decoration. The chiseled silver bottom of the casket, the chiseled decoration hidden under the locking mechanism and the inside of the box, which today is empty and lined with red silk fabric, are shown here for the first time.
El artículo describe en detalle la arqueta andalusí que se conserva en la Catedral de Girona y documenta su presencia en lo alto del retablo del altar mayor ya en 1511. Trata de cada uno de los diversos componentes de esta pieza única de platería califal, muestra de lo que se consideraba un objeto de lujo en el año 975. Comenta su forma y medidas, el alma de madera, las chapas de plata que la recubren y los herrajes complementarios. Describe los motivos usados en su decoración y las técnicas empleadas (repujado, dorado y nielado). Se exponen aquí por primera vez el solero de plata cincelada, la decoración oculta por el cierre y el interior de la caja, hoy vacía, forrado de seda roja.
Universitat de Barcelona
2018-02-03
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21466
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 10: Tardor 2017; 15-42
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Autumn 2017; 15-42
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 10: Otoño 2017; 15-42
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Tardor 2017; 15-42
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21466/23249
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21466/23250
Drets d'autor (c) 2018 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/21467
2018-02-03T20:59:54Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
El ḥiṣn Mirabīṭ (Cabanes, Castelló): alguns apunts per al seu estudi
Some Remarks for the Study of the ḥiṣn Mirabīṭ (Cabanes, Castelló)
Valls Llorens, Marta
arqueologia
ḥiṣn
Šarq al-Andalus
territori
Miravet
Castelló
archaeology
ḥiṣn
Šarq al-Andalus
territory
Miravet
Castellón
Aquest text mostra l’estat actual dels coneixements en relació a la fortalesa de Miravet (Cabanes, Castelló) i el seu territori amb la voluntat de proposar un seguit de línies de treball en relació al jaciment. Es compilen, doncs, els estudis de territori amb l’anàlisi de les fonts documentals relacionades i l’estudi arqueològic del propi jaciment, tant pel que fa a les estructures com als artefactes. Tot això amb la nalitat de posar en relació les diferents investigacions dutes a terme les darreres dècades i, sobretot, d’establir una base sobre la qual projectar noves actuacions i línies de recerca en via a una desitjable futura excavació arqueològica que permeti un estudi complet i sistemàtic de la fortalesa.
This work analyses the medieval fortress of Miravet (Cabanes, Castelló) and its territory. Its goals are therefore to explore the current state of the art in medieval archaeology research for this region and to propose new actions to address the reamining gaps in this field. Written and archaeological sources are here compiled in order to approach this study from a multifocal perspective. In this way, this text aims to establish connections among the research lines followed over the last few decades and, most importantly, to lay the foundations for new efforts so as to develop a better understanding of this stronghold and its possessions. Hopefully, these will crystalise into future archaeological excavations in the site, which will allow a systematic analysis of it.
Universitat de Barcelona
2018-02-03
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
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Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21467
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 10: Tardor 2017; 43-66
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Autumn 2017; 43-66
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 10: Otoño 2017; 43-66
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Tardor 2017; 43-66
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21467/23251
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21467/23252
Drets d'autor (c) 2018 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/21468
2018-02-03T20:59:54Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La poesia en Hildegarda de Bingen: un estudi sobre les arrels bíbliques de l’Ordo Virtutum
Poetry in Hildegard of Bingen: A study on the Biblical Roots of the Ordo Virtutum
Vernet i Pons, Eulàlia
Ordo Virtutum
drama
versificació
neumes
psicomàquia
Ordo Virtutum
drama
versification
neumes
psychomachia
Els estudis sobre el tipus de versi cació que l’abadessa mística renana Hildegarda de Bingen (1098 –1179) emprava a les seves obres són escadussers, i encara ho són més quan fan referència al seu Ordo Virtutum o l’Orde de les Virtuts, un dels melodrames llatins més destacables de l’edat mitjana, escrit ca. el 1151. Aquest article pretén omplir aquest buit i oferir, d’una banda, una descripció precisa del tipus de versi cació que trobem en els versos lliures de l’Ordo Virtutum, molt propers, com veurem, a la poesia hebrea bíblica; de l’altra, estudiar aquelles imatges líriques bíbliques del text per tal de palesar, d’aquesta manera, el rerafons bíblic que presenta, a tots els nivells, aquest melodrama.
The studies on the type of versification that the Rhenish abbess and mystic Hildegard of Bingen (1098-11179) used in her works are scarce, and even more so those specifically devoted to her Ordo Virtutum or Order of the Virtues, one of the most outstanding Latin melodramas of the Middle Ages, written around 1151. This article aims to fill this void. On the one hand it will offer a precise description of the type of metre that can be found in the free verses of the Ordo Virtutum, which, as will be shown, are very close to Hebrew biblical poetry; on the other hand, it will discuss the biblical lyrical images of the text in order to show the biblical background that pervades this melodrama.
Universitat de Barcelona
2018-02-03
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21468
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 10: Tardor 2017; 67-83
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Autumn 2017; 67-83
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 10: Otoño 2017; 67-83
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Tardor 2017; 67-83
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21468/23253
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21468/23254
Drets d'autor (c) 2018 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/21470
2019-03-19T07:44:36Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
L’Ordo Virtutum d’Hildegarda de Bingen: noves consideracions a l’entorn de les virtuts “disciplina” i “scientia dei” en relació amb la gènesi del seu prototext
Hildegard von Bingen’s Ordo Virtutum: New Considerations Regarding “Disciplina” and “Scientia Dei” According to the Urtext
Vernet Pons, Mariona
Ordo Virtutum
Virtuts
Virtutes
Gratia Dei
Scientia Dei
Disciplina
Hildegard von Bingen
Ordo Virtutum
Virtues
Virtutes
Gratia Dei
Scientia Dei
Disciplina
Hildegard von Bingen
A l’Ordo Virtutum, al llarg de la segona escena, cada Virtut es presenta a la resta, fent una descripció dels seus atributs. En dos passatges del Scivias, Hildegarda fa una descripció de les mateixes Virtuts amb tota mena de detalls. Curiosament, les Virtuts apareixen gairebé en el mateix ordre d’aparició que trobem a l’Ordo. El Riesencodex, el principal manuscrit de l’Ordo, mostra una rasura en el lloc on el nom d’una de les Virtuts hauria des ser esmentat. M. Böckeler (1927), seguida per Dronke (2007), proposà de restablir- hi el nom de Disciplina, d’acord amb un passatge del Scivias. Però al meu parer, hi ha alguns indicis que semblen indicar que el nom de Disciplina no acaba d’encaixar-hi del tot. L’objectiu d’aquest article és proposar una nova conjectura referent a aquesta rasura, proposant de restablir-hi el nom de Gratia Dei, que apareix a Scivias i sembla tenir les mateixes característiques físiques que la Disciplina. En aquest estudi presentarem també una hipòtesi per explicar per què la Scientia Dei apareix a la primera escena i no pas a la segona, com la resta de Virtuts. Aquest fet és important perquè, al meu parer, aporta més evidències referents a l’Urtext de l’Ordo Virtutum.
During the second scene of the Ordo Virtutum, each Virtue introduces itself to the others, describing its own attributes. In two different passages of Scivias the same Virtues are commented upon by Hildegard, who provides all kind of details. Strikingly, they are presented almost in the same order as they appear in the Ordo Virtutum. In the Riesencodex, the main extant manuscript of the Ordo Virtutum, the place where the name of one of the Virtues should be mentioned appears scraped off. M. Böckeler (1927), followed by Dronke (2007), proposed the name of Disciplina, according to one passage of Scivias. However, in my opinion, there are some clues that seem to indicate that the name of Disciplina does not fit well in this passage. The aim of this paper is to propose a new conjecture about this scrapping by taking into account the name of Gratia Dei, which appears in Scivias and seems to possess the same physical characteristics as Disciplina. In this article I will also formulate a hypothesis as to why Scientia Dei appears in the first scene and not in the second, as the rest of Virtues. This fact is important because it brings more evidence regarding the Urtext of the Ordo Virtutum.
Universitat de Barcelona
2018-02-03
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21470
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 10: Tardor 2017; 84-97
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Autumn 2017; 84-97
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 10: Otoño 2017; 84-97
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 10: Tardor 2017; 84-97
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21470/23255
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/21470/23256
Drets d'autor (c) 2018 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/22724
2020-03-23T19:42:50Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La roda de campanes: pervivències d’un objecte litúrgic de la Mallorca medieval
The Bell Wheel: The Legacy of a Liturgical Object from Medieval Mallorca
La roda de campanes: pervivències d’un objecte litúrgic de la Mallorca medieval
Pou Amengual, Miquel
roda de campanes
consuetes
santa Eulàlia
Llucmajor
Algaida
Petra
Pollença
bell wheel
customaries
santa Eulalia
Llucmajor
Algaida
Petra
Pollença
roda de campanes
consuetes
santa Eulàlia
Llucmajor
Algaida
Petra
Pollença
Aquest treball ofereix un recull dels instruments musicals denominats “roda de campanetes” que s’han conservat de l’època medieval a Mallorca. L’estudi, a més d’analitzar, de manera breu, les peces que s’han trobat aportant la seva localització així com l’estat de conservació, ofereix un primer apartat que les contextualitza a través dels textos escrits coetanis (consuetes i llibres de comptes) i amb obres gràfiques a les quals quedaren registrades les diverses tipologies d’aquestes peces.
This work presents a collection of musical instruments called “bell wheels” preserved from the medieval period in Mallorca. The study briefly analyses the pieces that have been found, providing information about their location and state of conservation. Moreover, it offers a first section that contextualises them through contemporary written sources (customaries and ledgers) and graphic works in which the various typologies of these pieces were depicted.
Aquest treball ofereix un recull dels instruments musicals denominats “roda de campanetes” que s’han conservat de l’època medieval a Mallorca. L’estudi, a més d’analitzar, de manera breu, les peces que s’han trobat aportant la seva localització així com l’estat de conservació, ofereix un primer apartat que les contextualitza a través dels textos escrits coetanis (consuetes i llibres de comptes) i amb obres gràfiques a les quals quedaren registrades les diverses tipologies d’aquestes peces.
Universitat de Barcelona
2018-09-16
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/22724
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 11: Primavera 2018; 28-50
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 11: Spring 2018; 28-50
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 11: Primavera 2018; 28-50
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 11: Printemps 2018; 28-50
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/22724/24009
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/22724/24010
Drets d'autor (c) 2018 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/22725
2020-03-23T19:44:26Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Acerca de una de las fuentes doctrinales de Tomás de Vio Cayetano: el aristotelismo secular de Padua
On One of Thomas de Vio Cajetan's Doctrinal Sources: Secular Aristotelianism in Padua
Acerca de una de las fuentes doctrinales de Tomás de Vio Cayetano: el aristotelismo secular de Padua
Muñoz, Ceferino P.D.
Cayetano
aristotelismo secular
tomismo
fe
razón
Cajetan
secular Aristotelianism
Thomism
faith
reason
Cayetano
aristotelismo secular
tomismo
fe
razón
Durante mucho tiempo se creyó que Cayetano era un tomista casi en estado puro cuya única y principal influencia teórica era la Tomás de Aquino. Sobre este mismo supuesto, también tendió a pensarse que Cayetano junto a su maestro y a otros pensadores conformaban un bloque doctrinal uniforme conocido como aristotelismo-tomista. Sin embargo, muchas de las tesis del comentador de Gaeta contienen supuestos teóricos muy distintos y hasta opuestos a los del Aquinate. Aquí nos centraremos en uno de esos supuestos que operan potentemente en la forma mentis de Cayetano, a saber: el aristotelismo secular de Padua.
Cajetan was long believed to be an almost pure Thomist whose one and only theoretical influence came from Aquinas. On this basis, Cajetan along with his mentor and other thinkers were also thought to form a uniform doctrinal school known as Aristotelian-Thomism. However, many of the theses of Gaetanus’s commentator contain theoretical assumptions that are very different and even opposed to those of Aquinas. Here we will focus on one of those assumptions that operate potentially on Cajetan’s forma mentis, namely the secular Aristotelianism of Padua.
Durante mucho tiempo se creyó que Cayetano era un tomista casi en estado puro cuya única y principal influencia teórica era la Tomás de Aquino. Sobre este mismo supuesto, también tendió a pensarse que Cayetano junto a su maestro y a otros pensadores conformaban un bloque doctrinal uniforme conocido como aristotelismo-tomista. Sin embargo, muchas de las tesis del comentador de Gaeta contienen supuestos teóricos muy distintos y hasta opuestos a los del Aquinate. Aquí nos centraremos en uno de esos supuestos que operan potentemente en la forma mentis de Cayetano, a saber: el aristotelismo secular de Padua.
Universitat de Barcelona
2018-09-16
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info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/22725
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 11: Primavera 2018; 51-68
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 11: Spring 2018; 51-68
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 11: Primavera 2018; 51-68
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 11: Printemps 2018; 51-68
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/22725/24011
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/22725/24013
Drets d'autor (c) 2018 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/28219
2019-03-08T07:20:02Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
The scriptor "of the Moors and the newly converted": The case of García de Villoslada, notary public of the Arabic in Malaga in the transition to Modernity
El scriptor “de los moros y los nuevamente convertidos”: El caso de García de Villoslada, escribano de lo arábigo en Málaga en el tránsito a la Modernidad
Barco Cebrián, Lorena C.
Marchant Rivera, Alicia
public notary
notary of Arabic
border
Arabic documentation
Malaga
escribano público
escribano de lo arábigo
frontera
documentación árabe
Málaga
The present study aims to raise awareness and clarify the office of notary of the Arabic in the Land of Malaga in the period between the end of the middle Ages and the beginnings of Modernity. To this purpose, it will be necessary to study and contrast a series of trades that served as a link between first the Mudejar community and, later, the Moorish community, and the Castilian community that settled in the territory of Malaga. A series of trades whose ultimate goal was to facilitate relations in different social spheres between communities with clear linguistic differences. We find trades such as interpreter, trujamán, romancer or notary public, but we are interested here in approaching and focusing our attention on the latter, for all that their work implies. In particular, we will analyze the figure of Garcia de Villoslada, notary public of the city of Malaga, who, according to our hypothesis, acted as a notary of the Arabic.
El presente estudio tiene por objetivo dar a conocer y esclarecer el oficio de escribano de lo arábigo en la Tierra de Málaga en el lapso que se sitúa entre finales del Medievo y comienzos de la Modernidad. Para ello será necesario clarificar y contrastar una serie de oficios que sirvieron de nexo de unión entre primero, la comunidad mudéjar y, después morisca, y la comunidad castellana que se iba asentando en territorio malagueño. Una serie de oficios que tenían por último objetivo facilitar las comunicaciones en diferentes esferas sociales entre ambas comunidades con claras diferencias lingüísticas. De entre estos oficios, como intérprete, trujamán, romanceador o escribano público, a nosotros nos interesa acercarnos y focalizar nuestra atención en uno de ellos de forma especial por todo lo que su labor implica, nos referimos al escribano público. Y, dentro de este, analizaremos la figura de García de Villoslada, escribano público de la ciudad de Málaga, quien, según nuestra hipótesis, ejerció de escribano de lo arábigo de facto.
Universitat de Barcelona
2019-03-07
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28219
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 12: Tardor 2018; 6-27
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 12: Autumn 2018; 6-27
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 12: Otoño 2018; 6-27
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 12: Tardor 2018; 6-27
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28219/28952
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28219/28953
Drets d'autor (c) 2019 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/28220
2019-03-07T12:05:57Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Requeriments i viduïtat femenina: un exemple de l’activitat notarial a la Barcelona del segle XIV
Widowhood through Petitions. An Example of Notarial Activity in Fourteenth-Century Barcelona
Comas Via, Mireia
activitat notarial
requestes notarials
sentències arbitrals
vídues
Barcelona
Baixa Edat Mitjana
notarial activity
notarial requests
arbitration awards
widowhood
Barcelona
Late Middle Ages
La documentació notarial és una font indispensable per a la Història de les dones. Mentre que els testaments, els inventaris i tot tipus de contractes solen ser els documents més utilitzats, els requeriments i els arbitratges no han cridat tant l’atenció dels historiadors i historiadores. L’objectiu d’aquest treball és analitzar, en primer lloc el paper del notari en aquestes tipologies documentals i, en segon lloc estudiar les di cultats de les vídues de la Barcelona baixmedieval que apareixen en aquesta documentació. Les fonts mostren viudes de totes les classes socials defensant els seus drets i els dels seus infants, especialment per aconseguir la restitució del dot, així com resoldre altres qüestions de caràcter econòmic. Tot i que aquestes situacions es devien probablement a la seva vulnerabilitat en tant que dones sense home, les vídues eren capaces de fer sentir les seves veus davant d’un tribunal per tal de trobar una solució als seus problemes
Notarial documentation is undoubtedly an indispensable resource for women’s history. However, whereas wills, inventories, and all kinds of contracts are frequently used as sources, notarial petitions and arbitration acts do not usually attract scholarly attention, and that despite the fact that these notarial documents provide an effective means to study the difficulties women had to face and the causes of their often challenging situation. In the case of Barcelona, the substantial presence of widows in judicial documents seems to suggest that their rights were not always respected. The fact that widows were usually “women without men” sometimes led the late husband’s heirs and relatives to try to take advantage of their difficult position for personal gain. The sources show widows defending their rights, as well as the rights of their children, especially when pursuing the restitution of their dowries, and complaining about the excessive expenses of judicial proceedings, demanding a fair and transparent trial, and expeditious rulings. Even though such situations were probably a consequence of their vulnerability, widows were able to have their voices heard in court to find a solution to their needs.
Universitat de Barcelona
2019-03-07
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Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28220
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 12: Tardor 2018; 28-41
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 12: Autumn 2018; 28-41
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 12: Otoño 2018; 28-41
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 12: Tardor 2018; 28-41
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28220/28954
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28220/28955
Drets d'autor (c) 2019 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/28221
2019-03-07T12:05:57Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Types of Notaries and Graphic Specialization in 15th-century Santiago de Compostela
Tipos de notarios y especialización gráfica en Santiago de Compostela en el siglo XV
Ares Legaspi, Adrián
Palaeography
scripts
public notaries
multigraphism
Santiago de Compostela
Paleografía
modelos gráficos
notarios públicos
multigra smo
Santiago de Compostela
The aim of this research is to analyse the connection between the different types of notaries of Santiago de Compostela in the 15th century and the scripts they used. We shall verify whether a graphic specialisation within this professional group existed according to the authority they were appointed by. Moreover, as other factors influenced the decision of using one handwriting typology, we shall examine the institutions where the notaries worked, the type of documents they produced, the language of the text, or their writing training. We consider that a comparison between the urban world and the rural areas will be very useful for this goal.
El objetivo de esta investigación es analizar la relación entre los diferentes tipos de notarios de Santiago de Compostela en el siglo XV y sus modelos gráficos y si existió una especialización gráfica dentro de este grupo profesional en función de su tipo de nombramiento. Asimismo, ya que en la elección de un modelo gráfico u otro influyeron otros factores, se presta atención a la institución donde ejercieron esos notarios, la tipología documental expedida, la lengua empleada en la redacción o la formación gráfica del individuo. En este sentido, será especialmente relevante la comparación entre el mundo urbano y el rural.
Universitat de Barcelona
2019-03-07
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
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Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28221
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 12: Tardor 2018; 42-56
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 12: Autumn 2018; 42-56
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 12: Otoño 2018; 42-56
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 12: Tardor 2018; 42-56
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28221/28957
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/28221/28956
Drets d'autor (c) 2019 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/29230
2019-09-08T23:10:21Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Identificación del Tato de Sorli en el catálogo de historias de la Piedra de Rök Ög 136 (Brate)
Identification of the Sörla þáttr in one of the stories of the Rök runestone Ög 136 (Brate)
Identificación del Tato de Sorli en el catálogo de historias de la Piedra de Rök Ög 136 (Brate)
De la Nuez Claramunt, José Antonio
runestone
mytheme
Nordic medieval literature
piedra rúnica
mitema
literatura nórdica medieval
This article will analyse the runic text of the Rök runestone, a funerary monument dating from the ninth century, and the story contained in the Sörla þáttr, an Icelandic medieval fourteenth-century text. The mythemes or constitutive elements of both stories will be enumerated in order to observe the parallelism between the passages in the þáttr and certain elements in the text of the Rök runestone, revealing that the fourteenth-century story is the prose version of the runic text.
En este artículo se analizará el texto rúnico de la Piedra de Rök, un monumento funerario fechado en el siglo IX, y el relato contenido en el Tato de Sorli, un texto medieval islandés del siglo XIV. Se enumerarán los mitemas o elementos constitutivos de ambos relatos con el objetivo de señalar los pasajes del tato que revelan un paralelismo con los elementos del texto de la Piedra de Rök, mostrando de esta manera que el relato del siglo XIV es en gran parte la versión en prosa del texto rúnico.
Universitat de Barcelona
2019-09-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
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Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29230
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 13: Primavera 2019; 7-21
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Spring 2019; 7-21
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 13: Primavera 2019; 7-21
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Primavera 2019; 7-21
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29230/29588
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29230/29589
Drets d'autor (c) 2019 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/29231
2019-09-08T23:10:21Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Archaeology and Text: a Historical Reconstruction of the Settlement of Iceland
Arqueología y Texto: la reconstrucción histórica de la colonización de Islandia
García López, Inés
settlement of Iceland
Old Norse historiography
medieval archaeology
Landnámabók
colonización de Islandia
historiografía medieval nórdica
arqueología medieval
Landnámabók
The technological advances of the last decades in dating methods have modified the relationship between archaeology and medieval Icelandic texts that was commonplace until the middle of the twentieth century. The focus is no longer on comparing the information provided by medieval texts but on carrying out other types of research that have allowed a more accurate dating of the first settlement of Iceland, and have offered information on the exploitation of resources and environmental impact during the colonization of Iceland in the ninth century. In this article, I will analyse two fragments of the Landnámabók, the thirteenth-century book that describes the colonization of Iceland, with the aim of establishing a renewed dialogue between recent archaeological discoveries on the island and the medieval sources devoted to Iceland.
Los avances tecnológicos en los métodos de datación de las últimas décadas han modificado la relación que se estableció entre la arqueología y los textos medievales islandeses hasta mediados del siglo XX: el foco ya no consiste en cotejar la información entre los textos medievales sino en realizar otro tipo de investigaciones que, si bien nos han permitido fechar el asentamiento de Islandia con mayor rigurosidad, también ofrecen información sobre la explotación de los recursos o el impacto medioambiental durante la colonización de Islandia en el siglo IX. Este artículo analizará dos fragmentos del Landnámabók, el libro del siglo XIII que describe la colonización de Islandia, con el objetivo de establecer un renovado diálogo entre los recientes descubrimientos arqueológicos acaecidos en la isla y las fuentes medievales escritas sobre Islandia.
Universitat de Barcelona
2019-09-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29231
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 13: Primavera 2019; 22-36
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Spring 2019; 22-36
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 13: Primavera 2019; 22-36
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Primavera 2019; 22-36
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29231/29590
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29231/29591
Drets d'autor (c) 2019 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/29232
2019-09-08T23:10:21Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Campamentos y asentamiento temprano durante la diáspora vikinga: Inglaterra, Irlanda, y el caso de Galicia
Camps and Early Settlement in the Viking Diaspora: England, Ireland and the Case of Galicia
García Losquiño, Irene
víkings
campaments
longphuirt
Galicia
assentament
Anglaterra
Irlanda
vikings
camps
longphuirt
Galicia
settlement
England
Ireland
Des del segle IX al segle XI, els víkings van atacar constantment àrees com Anglaterra, Irlanda i Normandia. Durant les primeres fases dels assentaments, el campament víking (anomenat longphort en els annals irlandesos) apareix com un model d’estructura des del qual controlar el territori adjacent a rius i costes. Algunes d’aquestes estructures van evolucionar i es van tornar centres comercials i militars. En alguns casos, es van convertir en centres urbans i van ser el germen de ciutats com Dublín. Aquests campaments són fonamentals per a entendre el desenvolupament d’una fase de ràtzies a una d’assentament. No obstant això, aquests campaments no s’han trobat en altres regions menys estudiades de la diàspora vikinga, com és el cas de Galícia. Galícia va rebre atacs víkings durant tota l’Era vikinga i també va ser poblada per víkings, encara que a molta menys escala que a altres parts de la diàspora. En aquest article, presentaré les similituds dels campaments víkings d’Anglaterra i Irlanda i avaluaré quin tipus d’estructura es podria trobar a Galícia.
From the ninth to the eleventh century, Vikings famously raided areas like England, Ireland and Normandy and started to settle there. In its early phases of activity, the Viking camp, called longhort in Irish annals, appeared and was used as an initial structure from which to control areas adjacent to navigable rivers or to the coast. These structures sometimes evolved into centres of trade and military activity, and in some cases, they became urban centres. However important they are to understanding the progression from raiding to settlement in the Viking diaspora, these camps have not been found in less-studied regions that underwent a long period of Viking contact. That is the case of Galicia, a frequent raiding destination and, as argued in this paper, one that also witnessed the medium- and long-term presence of Vikings, although possibly in much lower numbers than in other areas of the diaspora. In this article, I will present the commonalities of Viking camps in England and Ireland and will assess whether that type of structure should be expected in Galicia.
Universitat de Barcelona
2019-09-08
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Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29232
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 13: Primavera 2019; 37-55
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Spring 2019; 37-55
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 13: Primavera 2019; 37-55
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Primavera 2019; 37-55
2014-7023
eng
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29232/29592
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29232/29593
Drets d'autor (c) 2019 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/29233
2019-09-08T23:10:21Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
The Myth of Sigurd of Norway as a Crusader
El mito de Sigurdo I de Noruega como cruzado
Riutort i Riutort, Macià
vikings
crusaders
first crusade
Crimean goths
Crimean gothic
Constantinople
viquingos
cruzados
primera cruzada
godos de Crimea
gótico de Crimea
Constantinopla
This paper has three different aims. First of all, it aims to undo the stereotype of Norwegians as Vikings during the whole Middle Ages. Secondly, it will reject definitions of King Sigurd’s expedition to the Mediterranean as a crusade. Finally, it will reflect on the military episode of the siege of Majorca and Menorca, which was carried out by Anglo-Saxon refugees in 1066. This took place during their flight towards Constantinople after the Norman defeat of the Anglo-Saxons in the Battle of Hastings.
Con la presente contribución me gustaría abordar un triple objetivo: deshacer el estereotipo de los noruegos como viquingos durante toda la Edad Media, negar al rey Sigurdo y a su expedición al Mediterráneo la categoría de cruzados, y, finalmente, mencionar el episodio militar de la toma de Mallorca y Menorca por refugiados anglosajones en 1066 en su huida hacia Constantinopla después de la derrota anglosajona ante los normandos en la batalla de Hastings.
Universitat de Barcelona
2019-09-08
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29233
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 13: Primavera 2019; 56-73
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Spring 2019; 56-73
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 13: Primavera 2019; 56-73
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 13: Primavera 2019; 56-73
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29233/29594
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/29233/29595
Drets d'autor (c) 2019 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31016
2020-03-07T12:31:52Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Evolució de Sant Vicenç dels Torrents. Un petit monestir esdevingut parròquia (sX-XX)
Evolution of Sant Vicenç dels Torrents: A Small Monastery that Became a Parish (10th-20th c.)
Miró Tuset, Climent
Monaquisme
parròquia
església
comunitat
muntanya
Monasticism
Parish
Church
Community
Mountain
En aquest article mostrem l’evolució del monestir de Sant Vicenç dels Torrents: la seva fundació o reforma en època carolíngia, la seva donació al monestir de Sant Serni de Tavèrnoles al 914 per part dels bisbes d’Urgell i de Ribagorça, la seva posterior transformació en parròquia , la consolidació del seu territori amb donacions, la influència del Concili de Trento, l’annexió de la parròquia de Sant Climent de la Torre, el paper dels feligresos a través de les sagristies i la seva segregació per ordre episcopal el 1904.
In this article we show the evolution of the monastery of Sant Vicenç dels Torrents: its foundation or reform during the Carolingian period, its donation by the bishops of Urgell and Ribagorça to the monastery of Sant Serni de Tavèrnoles in 914, its subsequent transformation into a parish, the consolidation of its territory through donations, the influence of the Council of Trent, the annexation of the parish of Sant Climent de la Torre, the role of parishioners through the sacristies and its segregation by an episcopal order of 1904.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-03-07
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info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31016
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 14: Tardor 2019; 1-19
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Autumn 2019; 1-19
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 14: Otoño 2019; 1-19
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Tardor 2019; 1-19
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31016/31162
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31016/31163
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31017
2020-03-07T12:31:52Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
De novissimis in the Laudes e cantigas espirituais by Frei André Dias
De novissimis en Laudes e cantigas espirituais de Frei André Dias
Lázaro Pulido, Manuel
Eschatology
novissimis
André Dias
Fifteenth-century Theology
Iberian Thought
escatología
novissimis
André Dias
teología del siglo XV
pensamiento peninsular
The present paper discusses the context of the eschatological reflection in the work Laudes y cantigas espirituais by Frei André Dias. The work of the bishop of Megara elaborates on the literary-doctrinal expression of the novissimis or last things (death, judgment, paradise, and hell). The doctrinal and religious context of his time is evident in his reflection on death and retribution, especially regarding the subjects of purgatory and final judgment. The aim is to understand their presence in the Laudes, which anticipates the theatricality that will emerge in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
El presente estudio pretende exponer el contexto de la reflexión escatológica en la obra Laudes e cantigas espirituais de Frei André Dias. La obra del obispo de Megara muestra la expresión literario-doctrinal sobre la cuestión de los novissimis (muerte, juicio, paraíso, infierno). Se presenta el contexto doctrinal y religioso de su tiempo en la reflexión sobre la muerte y la retribución, especialmente en el tema del purgatorio y el juicio final, con el fin de comprender el porqué de su presencia en los Laudes que desde su literatura anticipa la teatralidad que se abrirá paso en los siglos XVI y XVII.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-03-07
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31017
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 14: Tardor 2019; 20-35
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Autumn 2019; 20-35
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 14: Otoño 2019; 20-35
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Tardor 2019; 20-35
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31017/31164
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31017/31165
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31018
2020-03-07T12:31:52Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
“Divus Alphonsus Rex”: the inscriptions dedicated to Alfonso the Magnanimous after his conquest of Naples (1442-1458)
“Divus Alphonsus Rex”: las inscripciones dedicadas a Alfonso el Magnánimo tras su conquista de Nápoles (1442-1458)
Capilla Aledón, Gema Belia
Alfonso the Magnanimous
Inscriptions
Late Middle Ages
Crown of Aragon
Kingdom of Naples
Alfonso el Magnánimo
Inscripciones
Baja Edad Media
Corona de Aragón
Reino de Nápoles
Because of his ties to the Neapolitan throne and his role in the European politics of the Quattrocento, Alfonso the Magnanimous, King of Aragon (1416-1458), built a discourse around his image with which to represent himself before his contemporaries and posterity as the new princeps sponsored by Italian Humanism. In addition to the works of his aulic humanists, this discourse associates the written word with the King in materials such as coins, seals, medals, pottery, architecture and marble, using different types of scripts, from textual Gothic to humanistic capitals, including vestiges of Romanesque scripts and alla greca capitals. The fact that the monarch took up permanent residence in Italian lands after the conquest of Naples in 1442, led to a quantitative and qualitative leap in the production of the materials that made up his image. Therefore, the aim of this article is to analyse the use he made of the written word, namely his mottoes and arms, and to restore the place of each piece within Alfonso’s representative discourse according to its specific chronology, motivation and target audience, bearing in mind the turning point that his establishment in Italy meant.
Alfonso el Magnánimo, Rey de Aragón (1416-1458), debido a su vinculación al trono napolitano y a su papel en la política europea del “Quattrocento”, construyó un discurso de su imagen con el que representarse ante sus contemporáneos y la posteridad como el nuevo “princeps” auspiciado por el Humanismo italiano. En dicho discurso, dejando a un lado las obras de sus humanistas áulicos, la palabra escrita aparece asociada al Magnánimo en materiales tales como monedas, sellos, medallas, piezas cerámicas, de arquitectura o mármoles, articulándose a través de distintos tipos gráficos, desde la gótica textual hasta las mayúsculas humanísticas, pasando por resquicios de románicas y mayúsculas “alla greca”. El asentamiento del monarca en tierras italianas, tras la conquista de Nápoles en 1442, supone un salto cuantitativo y cualitativo en la producción de los materiales que conforman su imagen. El objetivo del presente artículo es, por tanto, analizar el uso que el monarca realizó de la palabra escrita, de sus lemas y divisas en definitiva, restableciendo el lugar de cada pieza dentro de su discurso representativo según su cronología concreta, motivación y público receptor, a partir del cambio que supone su establecimiento en Italia.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-03-07
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info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31018
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 14: Tardor 2019; 36-56
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Autumn 2019; 36-56
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 14: Otoño 2019; 36-56
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Tardor 2019; 36-56
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31018/31168
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31018/31169
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31019
2020-04-09T18:21:09Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
L'antropologia de les sagues islandeses. Un estudi del treball de camp textual sobre l'antiga societat norrena
The Anthropology of the Icelandic Sagas. A Survey of Textual Fieldwork in Old Norse Society
González Campo, Mariano
Antropologia literària
societat i cultura norrenes
sagues islandeses
Literary Anthropology
Old Norse society and culture
Icelandic sagas
L’antropologia literària és una disciplina relativament recent que possibilita el treball de camp textual en societats del passat. En aquest article discutiré l’aplicació d’aquesta disciplina a l’estudi de la societat i cultura norrenes a través d’un dels seus productes literaris més rellevants: les sagues islandeses.
Literary Anthropology is a relatively new discipline which allows for textual fieldwork in past societies. In this article, I will deal with the application of this discipline to the study of Old Norse society and culture by way of one of their most relevant literary products: the Icelandic sagas.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-03-07
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Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31019
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 14: Tardor 2019; 57-76
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Autumn 2019; 57-76
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 14: Otoño 2019; 57-76
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 14: Tardor 2019; 57-76
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31019/31170
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31019/31171
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31799
2020-06-29T13:21:44Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Mosteiros e conventos no Portugal medieval: vida espiritual e lógicas de implantação
Monasteries and Convents in Medieval Portugal: Spiritual Life and Establishment Logic
Inglês Fontes, João Luís
Andrade, Maria Filomena
S. A. Rodrigues, Ana Maria
Ordens religiosas
mosteiros
conventos
reforma religiosa
observância
Religious orders
Monasteries
Convents
Religious Reform
Observants
É objetivo deste texto analisar a presença e as lógicas de implantação das diversas ordens e movimentos religiosos no território português desde as últimas décadas do século XI até às primeiras do século XVI, materializando distintas opções e vivências espirituais. Implantados inicialmente nas áreas rurais do Noroeste, mas acompanhando para Sul o avanço dos exércitos cristãos, Beneditinos e Cluniacenses, mais tarde Cistercienses, Cónegos Regrantes de Santo Agostinho e Ordens Militares, não só apoiaram espiritualmente a monarquia, a nobreza e o povo, como ajudaram a conquistar, povoar e desenvolver economicamente o reino em formação. A partir dos inícios do século XIII, serão os Mendicantes e outras ordens como a dos Eremitas de São Paulo a responderem aos anseios do laicado de um mundo urbano mais rico, mas também mais desigual, que não cessará de gerar experiências de vida religiosa mais radicais. Depois de quase uma centúria de estagnação, as fundações recomeçarão em força nos finais do século XIV, ganhando todo o reino e as ilhas atlânticas que se vão descobrindo, devido ao movimento de reforma que se apoderou das ordens antigas e ao surgimento de novas ordens, como as dos Cónegos de São João Evangelista.
This text analyses the spatial distribution of religious orders and movements in the Portuguese territory from the last decades of the eleventh century to the first decades of the sixteenth century, as well as the different forms of spirituality that resulted from them. First established in rural areas of the northwest and soon following the southward advance of Christian armies, Benedictines and Cluniacs, and later Cistercians, Regular Canons of Saint Augustine and Military Orders, not only spiritually supported monarchy, nobility and common people, but also helped to conquer, populate and develop the burgeoning kingdom. From the beginning of the thirteenth century onwards, Mendicants and other orders such as the Hermits of Saint Paul would respond to the wishes of the laity living in a richer but also more unequal urban world, a laity that kept promoting more radical religious experiences. After almost a century of stagnation, foundations strongly resumed in the late fourteenth century, expanding over the entire kingdom and the Atlantic islands that were being discovered at the time due to both the movement of reform that took over the old orders and the emergence of new ones, such as the Canons of St. John the Evangelist.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-06-29
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31799
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 15: Primavera 2020; 8-34
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Spring 2020; 8-34
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 15: Primavera 2020; 8-34
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Primavera 2020; 8-34
2014-7023
por
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31799/31595
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31799/31596
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31800
2020-06-29T12:47:12Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La religiositat femenina no reglada als comtats catalans dels segles IX i X: una aproximació territorial i a les seves relacions en xarxa
Non-regulated Female Religiosity in the Catalan Counties in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries: A Territorial and Network-Oriented Approach
Costa Badia, Xavier
Comtats catalans
Religiositat femenina
Formes d’espiritualitat no reglades
Devotae
Deodicatae
Cartografia històrica
Sistemes d’Informació Geogràfica (SIG)
Catalan Counties
Female Religiosity
Non-regulated Forms of Spirituality
Devotae
Deodicatae
Historical cartography
Geographic Information Systems (GIS)
En el present article es pretén aprofundir sobre l’espiritualitat femenina no reglada en els comtats catalans dels segles IX i X, un fenomen que, des dels pioners estudis de Montserrat Cabré als anys 80 i 90, pràcticament no ha atret l’atenció del medievalisme català. Per suplir aquesta mancança, s’aprofitaran els avanços que darrerament s’han produït en matèria d’edició documental per oferir una llista completa de totes les devotae i deodicatae que tenim documentades abans de l’any 1000, entre les quals es distingiran aquelles que vivien en un entorn monàstic institucionalitzat i aquelles que desocuparen la seva vida religiosa fora de tota institució regular. Així mateix, tenint en compte que per a la majoria d’elles tenim molt poques dades, però que gran part són susceptibles de ser georeferenciades, s’empraran les moltes possibilitats que ofereixen els Sistemes d’Informació Geogràfica per tal de treure’n la màxima rendibilitat possible i oferir una caracterització més precisa d’aquestes dones, del seu modus vivendi i, sobretot, dels espais en què el dugueren a terme.
This article aims to look into non-regulated female spirituality in the Catalan counties in the ninth and tenth centuries, a phenomenon that has attracted virtually no attention among Catalan medievalists since the appearance of Montserrat Cabré's pioneering studies in the 1980s and 1990s. To fill this gap, recently edited sources will be used to provide a complete list of the devotae and deodicatae who can be documented before the year 1000, including both those who lived in regulated monastic environments and those who carried a religious life outside regulated establishments. Likewise, taking into account that although there are very few data on the majority of these women, most of it can be georeferenced, the many possibilities offered by Geographic Information Systems will be used to maximise its potential and to offer a more precise characterization of these women, their way of life and, above all, the spaces they inhabited.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-06-29
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Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31800
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 15: Primavera 2020; 35-54
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Spring 2020; 35-54
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 15: Primavera 2020; 35-54
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Primavera 2020; 35-54
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31800/31597
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31800/31598
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31802
2020-06-29T13:22:33Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
The Monastic Network in the Urban Neapolitan Fabric (12th–16th centuries)
La rete monastica nel tessuto urbano di Napoli (secc. XII-XVI)
Bertini, Antonio
Colesanti, Gemma Teresa
Soler Sala, Maria
Monasteries
Urban Fabric
Naples
Middle Ages
GIS
Monasteri
tessuto urbano
Napoli
medioevo
GIS
This paper explores the urban and spatial changes that occurred in the city of Naples between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries, which were mainly due to religious institutions. The study of edited sources and the innovative georeferencing of each monastery reveals the image of a city where the living space within the walls was very limited in contrast to the absolute preponderance of religious orders.
Il saggio indaga i cambiamenti urbanistici e spaziali che si verificarono nella città di Napoli tra il XII e il XV secolo dovuti principalmente agli enti religiosi. Attraverso lo studio delle fonti edite e l’approccio innovativo della georeferenziazione di ciascun monastero emerge l’immagine di una città in cui lo spazio vitale, all’interno delle mura, per la popolazione era veramente esiguo ed il peso degli ordini religiosi era assolutamente preponderante rispetto all’estendersi dell’abitato.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-06-29
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31802
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 15: Primavera 2020; 55-73
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Spring 2020; 55-73
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 15: Primavera 2020; 55-73
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Primavera 2020; 55-73
2014-7023
ita
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31802/31601
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31802/31602
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31803
2020-06-29T12:47:12Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Networking Queenship? Queens as Promoters of the Congregation of Santa Clara de Tordesillas (1411-1463)
¿Política reginal en red? Reinas impulsoras de la Congregación de Santa Clara de Tordesillas (1411-1463)
Graña Cid, María del Mar
Congregation of Santa Clara de Tordesillas
Queenship
Spiritual Landscapes
Matronage
Poor Clares
Crown of Castile
Crown of Aragon
Congregación de Santa Clara de Tordesillas
reginalidad
paisajes espirituales
matronazgo
clarisas
Corona de Castilla
Corona de Aragón
The Congregation of Santa Clara de Tordesillas was born in close connection with the Castilian monarchy. In this paper we analyse the link that the queens of Castile established with it from the point of view of their promotion of monastic affiliations. Three queens of Castile favoured the development of this Congregation and a queen of Aragon identified with its religious model. We seek to assess their political interests questioning whether the associative peculiarity of this institution fostered a sort of ‘networking’ policy that may shed new light on the construction and exercise of queenship, its relation to the design of this monastic family and its influence on the relationships between Iberian kingdoms. To this end, we will reconstruct the spiritual landscapes in which their actions were embedded.
La Congregación de Santa Clara de Tordesillas nació estrechamente vinculada a la monarquía castellana. En este trabajo analizamos la relación que trabaron con ella las reinas desde el punto de vista de su promoción de adhesiones monásticas. Tres reinas de Castilla favorecieron su desarrollo y una de Aragón se identificó con su modelo religioso. Buscamos valorar sus intereses políticos preguntándonos si la peculiaridad asociativa de esta institución favoreció algún tipo de política “en red” que arroje luz nueva sobre la construcción y el ejercicio de la reginalidad, su posible interrelación con el diseño de esta familia monástica y su influencia en las relaciones entre los reinos ibéricos. Para ello, reconstruimos los paisajes espirituales en que incardinaron sus acciones.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-06-29
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application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31803
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 15: Primavera 2020; 74-94
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Spring 2020; 74-94
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 15: Primavera 2020; 74-94
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Primavera 2020; 74-94
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31803/31603
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31803/31604
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/31804
2020-07-24T18:45:26Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Creences en moviment: Els beguins del Llenguadoc i la construcció d’una nova identitat herètica
Beliefs in Progress: The Beguins of Languedoc and the Construction of a New Heretical Identity
Nieto-Isabel, Delfi I.
Heretgia
beguins del Llenguadoc
registres inquisitorials
creences
franciscans espirituals
Heresy
Beguins of Languedoc
Inquisitorial Records
Beliefs
Spiritual Franciscans
L'octubre de 1319, l'arquebisbe de Narbona i l'inquisidor dominicà Joan de Belna van lliurar al braç secular els primers membres del grup d'homes i dones coneguts pels historiadors com a beguins del Llenguadoc. L'execució que se’n va seguir, va marcar un punt d'inflexió en l'evolució d'un moviment religiós que s'havia desenvolupat legítimament durant dècades sota l'ala de la branca més radical de l'Orde Franciscà. En qüestió de mesos, aquests individus i els seus seguidors es van veure forçats a adaptar-se a la clandestinitat per sobreviure. L'objectiu d'aquest article és mostrar com les autoritats eclesiàstiques van considerar als beguins del Llenguadoc com una "nova heretgia", la novetat de la qual els obligava a elaborar una definició pràctica que els ajudés a perseguir-la. També s'estudiarà com alguns dels trets del que de fet era una cultura religiosa alternativa es van incorporar al discurs inquisitorial i com l’“heretgia” resultant va ser el resultat d'una co-construcció duta a terme pels inquisidors i els propis dissidents religiosos.
In October 1319, the archbishop of Narbonne and the Dominican inquisitor Jean de Beaune surrendered to the secular arm the first members of the group of men and women known to historians as the Beguins of Languedoc. The execution that followed marked a turning point in the evolution of a religious movement that had legitimately developed for decades under the wing of the most radical branch of the Franciscan Order. In a matter of months, these individuals and their supporters where forced to adapt to clandestinity in order to survive. The aim of the present paper is to show that the Beguins of Languedoc were perceived by ecclesiastical authorities as a ‘new heresy’ whose novelty made it necessary to provide a working definition that helped to better prosecute it. It will also be discussed how some of the features of an alternative religious culture were built into the inquisitorial discourse and how the resulting ‘heresy’ was in fact co-constructed between inquisitors and religious dissenters.
Universitat de Barcelona
2020-06-29
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application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31804
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 15: Primavera 2020; 95-117
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Spring 2020; 95-117
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 15: Primavera 2020; 95-117
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 15: Primavera 2020; 95-117
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31804/31605
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/31804/31606
Drets d'autor (c) 2020 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/33403
2021-01-22T14:34:56Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Vida i treball del pintor de mobiliari valencià Antoni Micó (ca. 1440-1490)
The Life and Work of the Valencian Furniture Painter Antoni Micó (ca. 1440-1490)
Aparisi Romero, Frederic
Pintors
pintura gòtica
València
elits rurals
cultura material
testaments
Painters
Gothic Painting
Valencia
Rural Elites
Material Culture
Wills
A partir de la documentació publicada per Sanchis Sivera i per Luis Cerveró que fins ara no havia estat treballada, i sobretot gràcies a nous documents fins ara inèdits, el present treball desgrana la singladura personal i professional d’Antoni Micó, pintor ornamental valencià de la segona meitat del segle XV. Es presta especial atenció a la xarxa de relacions que arribà a teixir Micó i els seus vincles amb el camperolat. Igualment, Micó és un bon exemple del conflicte que aquests pintors ornamentals tingueren amb els fusters donat el caràcter ambigu, entre la pintura i la fusteria, del seu treball. Per concloure, s’analitza amb detall el seu darrer testament.
This paper analyses the personal and professional trajectory of Antoni Micó, a Valencian painter and decorator of furniture who lived in the second half of the fifteenth century, by drawing on the documentation edited by Sanchis Sivera and Luis Cerveró, so far unexplored, as well as on new documentary evidence. Special attention will be paid to Micó’s contact network and his links with the peasantry. Furthermore, Micó’s case will be presented as an example of the conflicts between furniture painters and carpenters, caused by the fact that the former’s activity was somewhere between painting and carpentry. Finally, Antoni Micó’s will will be examined in detail.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-01-22
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33403
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 16: Tardor 2020; 1-15
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Autumn 2020; 1-15
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 16: Otoño 2020; 1-15
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Tardor 2020; 1-15
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33403/32991
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33403/32992
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/33406
2021-01-22T14:34:56Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La reina Estefania de Pamplona i l’ascendència catalana del frontal d’altar romànic de Nájera
Queen Estefania of Pamplone and the Catalan Ancestry of the Romanesque Altar Frontal of Santa Maria la Real of Nájera
Duran-Porta, Joan
Frontal d’altar
Orfebreria romànica
Nájera
Promoció d’art
Estefanía de Pamplona
Ermessenda de Barcelona
Esmalts cloisonné
Altar frontal
Romanesque metalwork
Nájera
Patronage
Stephanie of Pamplone
Ermessenda of Barcelona
Cloisonné enamels
L’altar major de l’església de Santa Maria la Real de Nájera va ser decorat a mitjan segle xi amb un luxós frontal d’orfebreria, de trets molt similars a un altre frontal elaborat pocs anys abans per a la catedral de Girona. Aquest article analitza la proximitat entre els dos mobles i la vincula amb el parentiu de les seves respectives promotores, dames de la casa comtal de Barcelona: la reina Estefania de Pamplona i la seva mare, la comtessa Ermessenda. Es proposa tant la dependència formal de la taula de Nájera respecte de la catalana, com la continuïtat familiar de les actuacions de comitència sumptuària dutes a terme per mare i filla, condicionades per la voluntat de legitimació del poder dinàstic exercit, en la viudetat, per elles mateixes. En darrer terme, l’article planteja la hipòtesi que l’empresa del frontal navarrès va estimular l’inici de l’interès per la fabricació de frontals metàl·lics als regnes hispànics occidentals.
In the mid-eleventh century, the high altar of the church of Santa María la Real in Nájera was decorated with a luxurious altar frontal, which was very similar to another frontal that had been made for the cathedral of Girona shortly before. The present article analyses the similarities between these two frontals and relates them to the family bonds between their patronesses, Queen Stephanie of Navarre and her mother, Countess Ermesinde of Barcelona. Moreover, it proposes that the Nájera frontal was made according to the model of the piece in Girona, and also suggests that Estefania’s involvement in support of sumptuary arts, followed a pattern of patronage established by her mother, as both of them sought to legitimise their dynastic power. Finally, it posits that the production of the frontal of Nájera fostered the spread of metalwork altar frontals in the western Iberian kingdoms.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-01-22
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33406
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 16: Tardor 2020; 16-34
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Autumn 2020; 16-34
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 16: Otoño 2020; 16-34
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Tardor 2020; 16-34
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33406/32993
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33406/32994
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/33419
2021-01-22T14:34:56Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La galeria de llevant del claustre de la catedral de Barcelona: una aproximació a la intervenció d’Antoni Claperós i Pere Oller
The Eastern Gallery of the Cloister of the Cathedral of Barcelona: An Approximation to the Work of Antoni Claperós and Pere Oller
Jardí Anguera, Montserrat
Escultura gòtica
Barcelona
Antoni Claperós
Pere Oller
Francesc Oller
claustre
Gothic Sculpture
Barcelona
Antoni Claperós
Pere Oller
Francesc Oller
Cloister
Els Llibres de l’Obra de la catedral de Barcelona testimonien que durant el 1444 Antoni Claperós i Pere Oller van treballar a les galeries de l’ala de llevant del claustre de la catedral. A partir de l’anàlisi estilística de tota l’escultura que es conserva en aquesta zona hem pogut apropar-nos als relleus que cadascun d’ells podria haver realitzat o, si més no, dirigit. Les mateixes qüestions estilístiques ens alerten de la participació d’escultors propers als cercles d’ambdós mestres que haurien treballat sota la seva influència. En el present estudi intentem analitzar l’abast d’aquestes intervencions tenint en compte aquest considerable nombre d’escultors anònims que es detecten de manera força regular al costat d’ambdós mestres.
The Llibres de l’Obra of the Cathedral of Barcelona reveal that Antoni Claperós and Pere Oller worked in the eastern galleries of the cathedral’s cloister in 1444. On the basis of the stylistic analysis of the extant sculptures in this area we have been able to identify the reliefs that each of them could have carved or, at least, supervised. These stylistic features seem to suggest the involvement of sculptors that were close to the circles of both masters and whose work would haved been influenced by them. The aim of the present study is to analyse the scope of the work of these two masters considering the remarkable number of anonymous sculptors that regularly worked with them.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-01-22
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33419
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 16: Tardor 2020; 35-68
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Autumn 2020; 35-68
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 16: Otoño 2020; 35-68
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Tardor 2020; 35-68
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33419/32998
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33419/32999
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/33420
2021-06-06T22:21:05Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Reginalidad, materialidad y memoria. Los objetos de Blanca de Sicilia en el convento de Sant Antoni y Santa Clara de Barcelona
Queenship, Materiality and Memory. The Objects of Blanche of Sicily in the Convent of Sant Antoni and Santa Clara of Barcelona
Garí, Blanca
reginalidad
materialidad
objetos
memoria
Blanca de Sicilia
Leonor de Sicilia
Sant Antoni y Santa Clara de Barcelona
Queenship
Materiality
Objects
Memory
Blanca of Sicily
Leonor of Sicily
Sant Antoni and Santa Clara of Barcelona
In this article, I intend to follow the traces left by the objects that belonged to the infanta Blanca of Sicily in the monastery of Sant Antoni and Santa Clara of Barcelona. These traces will take us back in time, first to her tomb, her coffin and funerary procession, and later to the figure of Blanca herself and the Catalan-Aragonese and Sicilian family and dynastic network. However, at the same time, through an attentive reading of the extant conventual inventories, these traces will project Blanca’s memory within the convent walls into the future, allowing us to explore the life and function of the objects that belonged to her. Methodologically, the study is based on three interrelated lines of analysis: ‘queenship,’ ‘materiality,’ and ‘memory.’ First, it raises the issue of the personal connections of queens and dynastic networks and their promotional strategies; secondly, it discusses the materiality of objects and their evolution over time; and finally, it deals with the question of the performativity of the memory associated with them.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-01-22
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application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33420
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 16: Tardor 2020; 69-91
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Autumn 2020; 69-91
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 16: Otoño 2020; 69-91
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 16: Tardor 2020; 69-91
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33420/33000
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/33420/33001
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/35928
2021-07-26T21:39:41Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Representations of Women in Old Norse Literature: The Case of Áslaug Sigurðardóttir
Representaciones de la mujer en la literatura nórdica medieval: el caso de Áslaug Sigurðardóttir
García López, Inés
This paper analyses the representation of the female poet Áslaug Sigurðardóttir in the Ragnars saga, as well as the representations of women contained in her own verses. After a brief—but necessary—review of the main formal and stylistic characteristics of skaldic poetry and the variant used in this saga, some of Áslaug’s poems will be discussed to showcase her divergence from the canon of skaldic poetry, taking the context of recitation into consideration and the anesthetization process that pretends to bring the verses closer to the audience.
Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la representación de una mujer poeta, a través del personaje Áslaug Sigurðardóttir en la Ragnars saga, así como las representaciones de la mujer en sus mismos poemas. Tras realizar una sucinta pero necesaria revisión de las principales características formales y estilísticas de la poesía escáldica y la variante utilizada en la saga, comentaremos algunos de los poemas de Áslaug y situaremos sus divergencias como poeta respecto al canon tomando en perspectiva el contexto de recitación y el proceso de estetización que pretende acercar los versos a la audiencia.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-07-26
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35928
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 17; 72-90
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 17: Spring 2021; 72-90
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 17; 72-90
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 17; 72-90
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35928/35100
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35928/35927
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/35929
2021-07-26T21:39:41Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Vagina dentata: The Woman with a Lion’s Head and its Context within the Romanesque Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela
Vagina dentata: la mujer con una cabeza de león y su contexto en la catedral románica de Santiago de Compostela
Nodar Fernández, Victoriano
In the transept of the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, a capital carved between 1100 and 1110 features a curious representation of a woman with a lion’s head between her legs. A careful analysis of its iconography, its style, and the models that the sculptor may have used has allowed us to identify a theme that is unusual in the figurative arts of the Romanesque period: the vagina dentata. The analysis of its topographical context —it is located immediately behind the Façade of Platerías— its relationship with the figurative capitals on the neighbouring pillars, as well as other aspects such as the audience for which it was meant, and the underlying causes for the choice of this iconography, will further our understanding of the importance of this image for an iconographic programme that glossed the message of the basilica’s southern portal in this liminal space.
En un capitel del transepto de la catedral de Santiago de Compostela realizado entre 1100 y 1110 aparece una curiosa representación de una mujer con una cabeza de león entre sus piernas. Un detenido análisis de su iconografía, de su estilo y de los modelos de los que pudo haber echado mano el escultor, permite identificar en ella un tema poco frecuente en las artes figurativas del románico: la vagina dentata. Analizando también el contexto topográfico en el que se encuentra —inmediatamente detrás de la puerta de las Platerías—, su relación con los capiteles figurados que la acompañan en los pilares vecinos, así como otros aspectos como su audiencia o las posibles intenciones que subyacen tras la elección de esa iconografía comprenderemos como esta imagen es el centro de un programa iconográfico que glosa, en este espacio postliminar, el mensaje de la portada meridional de la basílica.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-07-26
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Articles revisats per parells
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35929
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 17; 5-29
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 17: Spring 2021; 5-29
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 17; 5-29
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 17; 5-29
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35929/35101
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35929/35959
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/35930
2021-07-26T21:39:41Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Towards the Discovery of the Trobairitz in the Writings of Catalan Authors
Hacia el descubrimiento de las Trobairitz en autores catalanes
de Riquer, Isabel
The path towards the discovery of trobairitz in Catalan literary production begins with the description of the environment in which these female troubadours lived and worked, and then follows with the analysis of the reception of their poems and biographies in chansonniers. The complete absence of their verses from Catalan literary works up to the fifteenth century (which do feature numerous quotations from troubadours) makes the appearance of several verses of the trobairitz Clara d’Anduza in Jordi de Sant Jordi’s Passio amoris secundum Ovidium truly unique. The Catalan poet included her verses without mentioning (or, maybe, without even knowing) whom these verses belonged to. Proposals to continue this search will also be presented.
El trayecto hacia el descubrimiento de las trobairitz en los autores catalanes empieza con la exposición del ambiente en que desarrollaron su actividad estas trovadoras así como la recepción en los cancioneros de sus poemas y de sus biografías. La ausencia de sus versos en los poemas con citas de trovadores de autores catalanes hasta el siglo XV hace más apreciable y singular la inclusión por parte de Jordi de Sant Jordi en la Passio amoris secundum Ovidium de unos versos de Clara de Anduza sin decir (o quizá sin saber) a quién pertenecían. Propuestas para continuar la búsqueda.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-07-26
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info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35930
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 17; 54-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 17: Spring 2021; 54-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 17; 54-71
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 17; 54-71
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35930/35102
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35930/35975
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/35932
2021-07-26T21:39:41Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Com la descrius? Les descripcions de les trobairitz a les vidas i razós
How do You Describe Her? Trobairitz Descriptions in the Vidas and Razos
Pfeffer, Wendy
El present article reflexiona sobre la representació de les trobairitz o trobadores en les vidas i razos occitanes, tot centrant-se en allò que fa aquestes descripcions diferents de les dels seus homòlegs masculins, els trobadors. Aquesta anàlisi eleva l’estatus de Na Tibors, abaixa el de Na Castelloza i suggereix la necessitat d’un nou reconeixement per a la compositora anònima que va col·laborar amb Guilhem Rainol d’Apt.
The present paper discusses the portrayal of the trobairitz, female lyricists, in the Occitan vidas and razos, with a focus on what makes these descriptions different from those of their male counterparts, the troubadours. This analysis elevates the status of Na Tibors, depreciates that of Na Castelloza, and suggests a new appreciation of the anonymous songstress who associated with Guilhem Rainol d’Apt.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-07-26
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info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Artículos revisados por pares
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35932
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 17; 42-53
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 17: Spring 2021; 42-53
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 17; 42-53
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 17; 42-53
2014-7023
eng
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35932/35104
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/35932/35971
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/37579
2022-09-30T06:25:20Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Pastimes in the life of a castle. Archaeological evidences of the mill game in Southern Italy
Pastimes in the life of a castle. Archaeological evidences of the mill game in Southern Italy
Pastimes in the life of a castle. Archaeological evidences of the mill game in Southern Italy
Pastimes in the life of a castle. Archaeological evidences of the mill game in Southern Italy
Pastimes in the life of a castle. Archaeological evidences of the mill game in Southern Italy
Lonardo, Lester
sud d’Itàlia
arqueologia medieval
joc del molí
Southern Italy
medieval archaeology
mill game
Southern Italy
medieval archaeology
mill game
Southern Italy
medieval archaeology
mill game
Southern Italy
medieval archaeology
mill game
Southern Italy
medieval archaeology
mill game
D’origen antic, el joc del molí va experimentar un desenvolupament notable principalment a l’Europa medieval. Gràcies a la seva persistència i èxit durant els segles, aquest joc es pot considerar el precursor de molts passatemps moderns. La popularitat del joc del molí es basa en l’abundància d’evidències materials referents al joc que es van descobrir durant les últimes dècades en contextos de ciutats europees i jaciments de diversa tipologia. Sembla que no hi ha cap dubte sobre el seu ús com a passatemps ni del seu ús recreatiu propi de diferents classes i categories socials, tot i que la majoria de les representacions pictòriques existents representen membres de classes més altes jugant al joc del molí. Evidència provada són els nombrosos artefactes referits al joc del molí als castells del sud d'Itàlia, especialment a les torres dels assentaments de l’interior de la regió de Campània, aquestes troballes recents són les que es mostraran en aquest article.
Of ancient origins, mill game mainly underwent a noticeable development in Medieval Europe. Thanks to its persistence and success during the centuries, this game can be considered the forerunner of many modern pastimes. The popularity of mill game can be founded in the abundance of material evidences referring to the game that were discovered over the past decades in European cities contexts and sites of various typology. There appears to be no doubt regarding its use as a pastime and as a recreational moment typical of different social classes and categories, even though the majority of the existing pictorial representations depicts higher classes members playing the mill game. Proven evidence are the numerous artifacts referred to the mill game in Southern Italy castles, particularly in the towers of Campania region inland settlements, whose recent findings will be displayed in this essay.
Of ancient origins, mill game mainly underwent a noticeable development in Medieval Europe. Thanks to its persistence and success during the centuries, this game can be considered the forerunner of many modern pastimes. The popularity of mill game can be founded in the abundance of material evidences referring to the game that were discovered over the past decades in European cities contexts and sites of various typology. There appears to be no doubt regarding its use as a pastime and as a recreational moment typical of different social classes and categories, even though the majority of the existing pictorial representations depicts higher classes members playing the mill game. Proven evidence are the numerous artifacts referred to the mill game in Southern Italy castles, particularly in the towers of Campania region inland settlements, whose recent findings will be displayed in this essay.
Of ancient origins, mill game mainly underwent a noticeable development in Medieval Europe. Thanks to its persistence and success during the centuries, this game can be considered the forerunner of many modern pastimes. The popularity of mill game can be founded in the abundance of material evidences referring to the game that were discovered over the past decades in European cities contexts and sites of various typology. There appears to be no doubt regarding its use as a pastime and as a recreational moment typical of different social classes and categories, even though the majority of the existing pictorial representations depicts higher classes members playing the mill game. Proven evidence are the numerous artifacts referred to the mill game in Southern Italy castles, particularly in the towers of Campania region inland settlements, whose recent findings will be displayed in this essay.
Of ancient origins, mill game mainly underwent a noticeable development in Medieval Europe. Thanks to its persistence and success during the centuries, this game can be considered the forerunner of many modern pastimes. The popularity of mill game can be founded in the abundance of material evidences referring to the game that were discovered over the past decades in European cities contexts and sites of various typology. There appears to be no doubt regarding its use as a pastime and as a recreational moment typical of different social classes and categories, even though the majority of the existing pictorial representations depicts higher classes members playing the mill game. Proven evidence are the numerous artifacts referred to the mill game in Southern Italy castles, particularly in the towers of Campania region inland settlements, whose recent findings will be displayed in this essay.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
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Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37579
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 18: Tardor 2021; 1-13
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 1-13
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 18: Otoño 2021; 1-13
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 1-13
2014-7023
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37579/36192
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/37580
2022-09-30T06:25:20Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
El nombre del arquitecto de la iglesia de San Miguel de Cuixá consagrada en 975
The name of the architect of the church of Saint-Michel-de-Cuxa consagrated in 975
El nombre del arquitecto de la iglesia de San Miguel de Cuixá consagrada en 975
The name of the architect of the church of Saint-Michel-de-Cuxa consagrated in 975
The name of the architect of the church of Saint-Michel-de-Cuxa consagrated in 975
Puig Rodríguez-Escalona, Mercè
architect
Middle Ages
Cuxa
architect
Middle Ages
Cuxa
arquitecto
Edad Media
Cuixá
architect
Middle Ages
Cuxa
architect
Middle Ages
Cuxa
architect
Middle Ages
Cuxa
The Saint Hilary of Carcassonne relic’s translation was explained in a text written in the year 978. This narration, from which I have recently published a new edition, mentions a master builder that played a key role in the relic’s discovery. The master was brought by Garin, the abbot of the Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa monastery, and he was supposed to be the architect who built the second church of Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa. The count Sunifred and the abbot Ponce had initiated this rebuilding in the year 956 and on 28th September 975 Garin finished it. After the research on the manuscript copy and the various editions from the second half of the 17th century, some of them edited directly from the currently lost original one, it is concluded that the name of the architect was Ledo (Letus). Knowing the name of an architect who lived before the 11th century is, undoubtedly, a unique event, even more when this architect is considered as a virtuous man.
The Saint Hilary of Carcassonne relic’s translation was explained in a text written in the year 978. This narration, from which I have recently published a new edition, mentions a master builder that played a key role in the relic’s discovery. The master was brought by Garin, the abbot of the Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa monastery, and he was supposed to be the architect who built the second church of Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa. The count Sunifred and the abbot Ponce had initiated this rebuilding in the year 956 and on 28th September 975 Garin finished it. After the research on the manuscript copy and the various editions from the second half of the 17th century, some of them edited directly from the currently lost original one, it is concluded that the name of the architect was Ledo (Letus). Knowing the name of an architect who lived before the 11th century is, undoubtedly, a unique event, even more when this architect is considered as a virtuous man.
El relato de la traslación de la reliquia de san Hilario de Carcasona, escrito hacia el año 978 y del que recientemente hemos realizado una nueva edición, menciona un maestro de obras, traído por el abad Garín del monasterio de San Miguel de Cuixá, que tiene un papel destacado en el descubrimiento de la reliquia. Se trata seguramente del arquitecto de la reconstrucción de la segunda iglesia de Cuixá, la de San Miguel, iniciada en el año 956 por el conde Seniofredo y el abad Ponce, que Garín culminó y cuya consagración, presidida por siete obispos, se celebró el 28 de septiembre del 975. Tras el estudio de la copia manuscrita y de las diversas ediciones que del original actualmente perdido se hicieron a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XVII, concluimos que dicho arquitecto (structor miri laboris) se llamaba Ledo (Letus). El hecho de conocer el nombre de un arquitecto anterior al siglo XI es, sin duda, algo insólito y lo es aún más cuando este artifex ha sido considerado, a menudo, excepcional.
The Saint Hilary of Carcassonne relic’s translation was explained in a text written in the year 978. This narration, from which I have recently published a new edition, mentions a master builder that played a key role in the relic’s discovery. The master was brought by Garin, the abbot of the Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa monastery, and he was supposed to be the architect who built the second church of Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa. The count Sunifred and the abbot Ponce had initiated this rebuilding in the year 956 and on 28th September 975 Garin finished it. After the research on the manuscript copy and the various editions from the second half of the 17th century, some of them edited directly from the currently lost original one, it is concluded that the name of the architect was Ledo (Letus). Knowing the name of an architect who lived before the 11th century is, undoubtedly, a unique event, even more when this architect is considered as a virtuous man.
The Saint Hilary of Carcassonne relic’s translation was explained in a text written in the year 978. This narration, from which I have recently published a new edition, mentions a master builder that played a key role in the relic’s discovery. The master was brought by Garin, the abbot of the Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa monastery, and he was supposed to be the architect who built the second church of Saint-Miquel-de-Cuixa. The count Sunifred and the abbot Ponce had initiated this rebuilding in the year 956 and on 28th September 975 Garin finished it. After the research on the manuscript copy and the various editions from the second half of the 17th century, some of them edited directly from the currently lost original one, it is concluded that the name of the architect was Ledo (Letus). Knowing the name of an architect who lived before the 11th century is, undoubtedly, a unique event, even more when this architect is considered as a virtuous man.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37580
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 18: Tardor 2021; 14-23
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 14-23
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 18: Otoño 2021; 14-23
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 14-23
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37580/36191
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37580/38574
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/37581
2022-09-30T06:25:20Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Un modelo de hagiografía tardoantigua y bizantina: el encomio del mártir Teodoro de Gregorio de Nisa
A Late-Antique and Byzantine hagiographic text: the encomium of the martyr Theodore of Gregory of Nyssa
Un modelo de hagiografía tardoantigua y bizantina: el encomio del mártir Teodoro de Gregorio de Nisa
A Late-Antique and Byzantine hagiographic text: the encomium of the martyr Theodore of Gregory of Nyssa
A Late-Antique and Byzantine hagiographic text: the encomium of the martyr Theodore of Gregory of Nyssa
Chiriatti, Mattia C.
Theodore of Amasea and Euchaita
Gregory of Nyssa
encomia
Theodore of Amasea and Euchaita
Gregory of Nyssa
encomia
Teodoro de Amasea y Eucaita
Gregorio de Nisa
encomios
Theodore of Amasea and Euchaita
Gregory of Nyssa
encomia
Theodore of Amasea and Euchaita
Gregory of Nyssa
encomia
Theodore of Amasea and Euchaita
Gregory of Nyssa
encomia
Presentamos a continuación el texto de la primera versión en lengua castellana del encomio del mártir Teodoro, compuesto por Gregorio de Nisa en ocasión del dies natalis del santo (17 de febrero del 381) y leído dentro de su martyrium. El texto traza, dentro de una de sus secciones, una magnífica miniatura con la descripción del interior del santuario, y, asimismo, proporciona un relato apasionante de la tradición hagiográfica sobre el santo, de la cual este discurso es el punto de partida para la difusión del culto del santo anatolio en Oriente y, posteriormente, en Occidente.
Below, we present the text of the first version of the martyr Theodore’s encomium in Spanish, composed by Gregory of Nyssa on the saint’s dies natalis (17 February 381) and read in his martyrium. In one of its sections, the text traces a magnificent cameo describing the interior of the sanctuary and provides a fascinating account of the saint’s hagiographic tradition. This speech is therefore the starting point for the cult of the Anatolian saint spreading in the East, and later the West.
Presentamos a continuación el texto de la primera versión en lengua castellana del encomio del mártir Teodoro, compuesto por Gregorio de Nisa en ocasión del dies natalis del santo (17 de febrero del 381) y leído dentro de su martyrium. El texto traza, dentro de una de sus secciones, una magnífica miniatura con la descripción del interior del santuario, y, asimismo, proporciona un relato apasionante de la tradición hagiográfica sobre el santo, de la cual este discurso es el punto de partida para la difusión del culto del santo anatolio en Oriente y, posteriormente, en Occidente.
Below, we present the text of the first version of the martyr Theodore’s encomium in Spanish, composed by Gregory of Nyssa on the saint’s dies natalis (17 February 381) and read in his martyrium. In one of its sections, the text traces a magnificent cameo describing the interior of the sanctuary and provides a fascinating account of the saint’s hagiographic tradition. This speech is therefore the starting point for the cult of the Anatolian saint spreading in the East, and later the West.
Below, we present the text of the first version of the martyr Theodore’s encomium in Spanish, composed by Gregory of Nyssa on the saint’s dies natalis (17 February 381) and read in his martyrium. In one of its sections, the text traces a magnificent cameo describing the interior of the sanctuary and provides a fascinating account of the saint’s hagiographic tradition. This speech is therefore the starting point for the cult of the Anatolian saint spreading in the East, and later the West.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37581
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 18: Tardor 2021; 24-38
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 24-38
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 18: Otoño 2021; 24-38
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 24-38
2014-7023
spa
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37581/36190
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37581/38573
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/37582
2022-09-30T06:25:20Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La interpretació d’Arnau de Vilanova de l’escatologia d’Agustí d’Hipona en l’Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca
Arnau de Vilanova’s Interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s Eschatology in the Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca
Arnau de Vilanova’s Interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s Eschatology in the Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca
Arnau de Vilanova’s Interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s Eschatology in the Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca
Arnau de Vilanova’s Interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s Eschatology in the Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca
Mensa i Valls, Jaume
Arnau de Vilanova
Martín de Ateca
Antidotum
Arnold of Villanova
Martin of Ateca
Antidotum
Arnold of Villanova
Martin of Ateca
Antidotum
Arnold of Villanova
Martin of Ateca
Antidotum
Arnold of Villanova
Martin of Ateca
Antidotum
Arnold of Villanova
Martin of Ateca
Antidotum
En la polèmica apocalíptica que va enfrontar Arnau de Vilanova amb els teòlegs professionals durant els primers anys del segle XIV, la interpretació dels textos d’Agustí d’Hipona sobre la possibilitat de conèixer prèviament els darrers temps va jugar un paper molt especial. L’objectiu de l’article consisteix a analitzar aquesta polèmica en la darrera i controvertible obra d’Arnau de Vilanova, l’inèdit Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca. Tant Arnau de Vilanova com el seu adversari Martín de Ateca trobaren en l’obra d’Agustí d’Hipona arguments favorables a les pròpies posicions, però al capdavall darrera d’aquesta polèmica s’amaga una altra qüestió: amb quina autoritat va anunciar Arnau de Vilanova els darrers temps? Si el seu anunci és resultat d’una revelació, com el pensador català proposa, els textos augustians es decanten a favor de mestre Arnau; si simplement és una especulació, com afirma Martín de Ateca, Agustí d’Hipona ja havia desqualificat qualsevol intent com aquest.
In the apocalyptic controversy that set Arnald of Vilanova at odds with professional theologians during the early years of the 14th century, the interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s texts concerning the possibility of acquiring advance knowledge of the end times played a very significant role. The aim of this article is to analyze this controversy in the final polemical work written by Arnald – in other words, the unpublished Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca. Both Arnald and his opponent Martin of Ateca found supporting arguments for their own positions within Augustine’s oeuvre, yet underlying this controversy was a further question: Under what authority did Arnald of Villanova issue his prediction? If this prediction was ther outcome of a revelation, as the Catalan thinker contended, the Augustinian texts would seem to come down on Master Arnald’s side; if it consisted in mere speculation on Arnald’s part, however, as Martin of Ateca claimed, Augustine of Hippo had already ruled out any attempt of this kind.
In the apocalyptic controversy that set Arnald of Vilanova at odds with professional theologians during the early years of the 14th century, the interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s texts concerning the possibility of acquiring advance knowledge of the end times played a very significant role. The aim of this article is to analyze this controversy in the final polemical work written by Arnald – in other words, the unpublished Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca. Both Arnald and his opponent Martin of Ateca found supporting arguments for their own positions within Augustine’s oeuvre, yet underlying this controversy was a further question: Under what authority did Arnald of Villanova issue his prediction? If this prediction was ther outcome of a revelation, as the Catalan thinker contended, the Augustinian texts would seem to come down on Master Arnald’s side; if it consisted in mere speculation on Arnald’s part, however, as Martin of Ateca claimed, Augustine of Hippo had already ruled out any attempt of this kind.
In the apocalyptic controversy that set Arnald of Vilanova at odds with professional theologians during the early years of the 14th century, the interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s texts concerning the possibility of acquiring advance knowledge of the end times played a very significant role. The aim of this article is to analyze this controversy in the final polemical work written by Arnald – in other words, the unpublished Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca. Both Arnald and his opponent Martin of Ateca found supporting arguments for their own positions within Augustine’s oeuvre, yet underlying this controversy was a further question: Under what authority did Arnald of Villanova issue his prediction? If this prediction was ther outcome of a revelation, as the Catalan thinker contended, the Augustinian texts would seem to come down on Master Arnald’s side; if it consisted in mere speculation on Arnald’s part, however, as Martin of Ateca claimed, Augustine of Hippo had already ruled out any attempt of this kind.
In the apocalyptic controversy that set Arnald of Vilanova at odds with professional theologians during the early years of the 14th century, the interpretation of Augustine of Hippo’s texts concerning the possibility of acquiring advance knowledge of the end times played a very significant role. The aim of this article is to analyze this controversy in the final polemical work written by Arnald – in other words, the unpublished Antidotum contra venenum effusum per fratrem Martinum de Atheca. Both Arnald and his opponent Martin of Ateca found supporting arguments for their own positions within Augustine’s oeuvre, yet underlying this controversy was a further question: Under what authority did Arnald of Villanova issue his prediction? If this prediction was ther outcome of a revelation, as the Catalan thinker contended, the Augustinian texts would seem to come down on Master Arnald’s side; if it consisted in mere speculation on Arnald’s part, however, as Martin of Ateca claimed, Augustine of Hippo had already ruled out any attempt of this kind.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37582
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 18: Tardor 2021; 39-59
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 39-59
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 18: Otoño 2021; 39-59
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 39-59
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37582/36189
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37582/38572
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/37583
2022-09-30T06:25:20Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Un document inèdit sobre l’hospital dels jueus de Lleida
An unpublished document about the Jewish hospital of Lleida
An unpublished document about the Jewish hospital of Lleida
An unpublished document about the Jewish hospital of Lleida
An unpublished document about the Jewish hospital of Lleida
Roca Cabau, Guillem
Lleida
hospital
jueus
Lleida
hospital
Jewish
Lleida
hospital
Jewish
Lleida
hospital
Jewish
Lleida
hospital
Jewish
Lleida
hospital
Jewish
Recentment, hem descobert a l’Arxiu Capitular de Lleida un document d’inicis del segle XIV que demostra l’existència d’un hospital gestionat per la confraria jueva del heqdeix. Es tracta del donatiu anual de dotze sous que l’aljama de Lleida feu, a perpetuïtat, per pagar el cens que l’hospital havia de satisfer per unes cases. El document no només descobreix l’existència d’aquest centre hospitalari, sinó que aporta informació sobre diversos aspectes del funcionament intern de l’aljama com, per exemple: el nombre de representants, les seves famílies i l’arrendament d’impostos.
Recently, in the Arxiu Capitular of Lleida, we have discovered a document from the beginning of the fourteenth Century which proves the existence of a hospital managed by the Jewish brotherhood of the heqdeix. It is about an annual donation of twelve sous that the Jewish council of Lleida gave indefinitely to the brotherhood to pay an emphyteutic lease of the same quantity, this was to maintain some houses used by the hospital. The document discovers the existence of this hospital and also gives information about the internal organization of the Jewish community, among others: the number of managers, their families and the rental of the taxes.
Recently, in the Arxiu Capitular of Lleida, we have discovered a document from the beginning of the fourteenth Century which proves the existence of a hospital managed by the Jewish brotherhood of the heqdeix. It is about an annual donation of twelve sous that the Jewish council of Lleida gave indefinitely to the brotherhood to pay an emphyteutic lease of the same quantity, this was to maintain some houses used by the hospital. The document discovers the existence of this hospital and also gives information about the internal organization of the Jewish community, among others: the number of managers, their families and the rental of the taxes.
Recently, in the Arxiu Capitular of Lleida, we have discovered a document from the beginning of the fourteenth Century which proves the existence of a hospital managed by the Jewish brotherhood of the heqdeix. It is about an annual donation of twelve sous that the Jewish council of Lleida gave indefinitely to the brotherhood to pay an emphyteutic lease of the same quantity, this was to maintain some houses used by the hospital. The document discovers the existence of this hospital and also gives information about the internal organization of the Jewish community, among others: the number of managers, their families and the rental of the taxes.
Recently, in the Arxiu Capitular of Lleida, we have discovered a document from the beginning of the fourteenth Century which proves the existence of a hospital managed by the Jewish brotherhood of the heqdeix. It is about an annual donation of twelve sous that the Jewish council of Lleida gave indefinitely to the brotherhood to pay an emphyteutic lease of the same quantity, this was to maintain some houses used by the hospital. The document discovers the existence of this hospital and also gives information about the internal organization of the Jewish community, among others: the number of managers, their families and the rental of the taxes.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37583
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 18: Tardor 2021; 60-75
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 60-75
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 18: Otoño 2021; 60-75
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 18: Autumn 2021; 60-75
2014-7023
cat
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37583/36188
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37583/38571
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/37678
2021-12-21T19:45:18Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
As cantigas de Vidal, Judeu d’Elvas, a uma judia: relações amorosas interculturais na Península Ibérica medieval
Vidal’s cantigas to a Jewess: Intercultural Love Relationships in Medieval Iberia
As cantigas de Vidal, Judeu d’Elvas, a uma judia: relações amorosas interculturais na Península Ibérica medieval
As cantigas de Vidal, Judeu d’Elvas, a uma judia: relações amorosas interculturais na Península Ibérica medieval
As cantigas de Vidal, Judeu d’Elvas, a uma judia: relações amorosas interculturais na Península Ibérica medieval
Yara Frateschi Vieira
As interrelações entre as três culturas – judaica, muçulmana e cristã – na Península Ibérica medieval passaram a ser estudadas, na segunda metade do século XX, a partir do que se convencionou chamar, de forma geral e com diversos matizes, a “convivência” (Castro 1948; Sánchez Albornoz 1956). Paralelamente, estudos dedicados às relações entre as literaturas árabe, hebraica e cristã incorporaram também no seu âmbito indagações correlatas (Bossong 2010; Paden 2005). Neste trabalho procurarei examinar, a partir dessa perspectiva, a inclusão das cantigas de Vidal no Cancioneiro profano galego-português. Por um lado, aspectos formais e temáticos nelas presentes evidenciam o esforço de assimilação, por parte do poeta, do repertório lírico galego-português, o que lhe garante lugar na coletânea poética; o fato de a rubrica designá-lo como “judeu” e à sua dama como “judia” denota, por outro, que a assimilação não é total, mantendo-se irredutíveis certas áreas – como a religião e as relações amorosas / sexuais / matrimoniais – que o identificam, e à sua dama, como membros de minoria religiosa e social.
From the second half of the twentieth century onwards, contacts between the three Iberian cultures – Jewish, Muslim, and Christian – have been addressed from the point of view of what has come to be known as ‘convivencia’ [coexistence] (Castro 1948; Sánchez Albornoz 1956). At the same time, studies devoted to the Arabic, Hebrew, and Christian literatures of the same period have incorporated similar considerations (Bossong 2010; Paden 2005). On this basis, the present article examines the inclusion of the compositions of the troubadour known as Vidal in the Galician-Portuguese songbooks. On the one hand, some of their formal and thematic aspects can be seen as proof of the poet’s effort to assimilate the Galician-Portuguese lyric repertoire, thus ensuring a place for him in the poetic compilation; on the other, the fact that in the rubric he is referred to as a “Jew” and his lady as a “Jewess” implies that assimilation was not perceived as absolute, as certain areas, such as religion and love/ sexual/ marriage relations, regarding which they both were identified as members of a religious and social minority still remained off-limits.
As interrelações entre as três culturas – judaica, muçulmana e cristã – na Península Ibérica medieval passaram a ser estudadas, na segunda metade do século XX, a partir do que se convencionou chamar, de forma geral e com diversos matizes, a “convivência” (Castro 1948; Sánchez Albornoz 1956). Paralelamente, estudos dedicados às relações entre as literaturas árabe, hebraica e cristã incorporaram também no seu âmbito indagações correlatas (Bossong 2010; Paden 2005). Neste trabalho procurarei examinar, a partir dessa perspectiva, a inclusão das cantigas de Vidal no Cancioneiro profano galego-português. Por um lado, aspectos formais e temáticos nelas presentes evidenciam o esforço de assimilação, por parte do poeta, do repertório lírico galego-português, o que lhe garante lugar na coletânea poética; o fato de a rubrica designá-lo como “judeu” e à sua dama como “judia” denota, por outro, que a assimilação não é total, mantendo-se irredutíveis certas áreas – como a religião e as relações amorosas / sexuais / matrimoniais – que o identificam, e à sua dama, como membros de minoria religiosa e social.
As interrelações entre as três culturas – judaica, muçulmana e cristã – na Península Ibérica medieval passaram a ser estudadas, na segunda metade do século XX, a partir do que se convencionou chamar, de forma geral e com diversos matizes, a “convivência” (Castro 1948; Sánchez Albornoz 1956). Paralelamente, estudos dedicados às relações entre as literaturas árabe, hebraica e cristã incorporaram também no seu âmbito indagações correlatas (Bossong 2010; Paden 2005). Neste trabalho procurarei examinar, a partir dessa perspectiva, a inclusão das cantigas de Vidal no Cancioneiro profano galego-português. Por um lado, aspectos formais e temáticos nelas presentes evidenciam o esforço de assimilação, por parte do poeta, do repertório lírico galego-português, o que lhe garante lugar na coletânea poética; o fato de a rubrica designá-lo como “judeu” e à sua dama como “judia” denota, por outro, que a assimilação não é total, mantendo-se irredutíveis certas áreas – como a religião e as relações amorosas / sexuais / matrimoniais – que o identificam, e à sua dama, como membros de minoria religiosa e social.
As interrelações entre as três culturas – judaica, muçulmana e cristã – na Península Ibérica medieval passaram a ser estudadas, na segunda metade do século XX, a partir do que se convencionou chamar, de forma geral e com diversos matizes, a “convivência” (Castro 1948; Sánchez Albornoz 1956). Paralelamente, estudos dedicados às relações entre as literaturas árabe, hebraica e cristã incorporaram também no seu âmbito indagações correlatas (Bossong 2010; Paden 2005). Neste trabalho procurarei examinar, a partir dessa perspectiva, a inclusão das cantigas de Vidal no Cancioneiro profano galego-português. Por um lado, aspectos formais e temáticos nelas presentes evidenciam o esforço de assimilação, por parte do poeta, do repertório lírico galego-português, o que lhe garante lugar na coletânea poética; o fato de a rubrica designá-lo como “judeu” e à sua dama como “judia” denota, por outro, que a assimilação não é total, mantendo-se irredutíveis certas áreas – como a religião e as relações amorosas / sexuais / matrimoniais – que o identificam, e à sua dama, como membros de minoria religiosa e social.
Universitat de Barcelona
2021-12-21
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37678
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 17; 30-41
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 17: Spring 2021; 30-41
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 17; 30-41
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 17; 30-41
2014-7023
eng
por
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37678/36254
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/37678/36255
Drets d'autor (c) 2021 SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/40678
2022-09-30T09:11:45Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Tercer retrat arqueològic d’una església desapareguda: Vila-real, 1417-1464
Third archaeological portrait of a vanished church: Vila-real, 1417-1464
Tercer retrato arqueológico de una iglesia desaparecida: Vila-real, 1417-1464
Third archaeological portrait of a vanished church: Vila-real, 1417-1464
Third archaeological portrait of a vanished church: Vila-real, 1417-1464
Third archaeological portrait of a vanished church: Vila-real, 1417-1464
Vidal Franquet, Jacobo
arquitectura gòtica
Corona d’Aragó Medieval
Vila-real
Pere Compte
Gothic Architecture
Medieval Crown of Aragon
Vila-real
Pere Compte
arquitectura gótica
Corona de Aragón Medieval
Vila-real
Pere Compte
En aquest text s’intenten explicar les primeres fases de l’obra de l’església de Sant Jaume de Vila-real, concretament en el període 1417-1464. Es reprenen els estudis anteriors de J. M. Doñate (1981), A. Zaragozá i M. Gómez-Ferrer (2007), es documenten nous mestres i problemes i es desfà l’equívoc que, en bona mesura a partir de la documentació d’aquest edifici, identificava les figures dels mestres d’obra Pere Compte i Pere de Campos
In this text we try to explain the first phases of the construction site of the Parish church in Vila-real, specifically in the period 1417-1464. The previous studies of J. M. Doñate (1981), A. Zaragozá and M. Gómez-Ferrer (2007) are resumed and new master builders and problems are documented. Also, the error occurred in the analysis of the building’s documentation to identify the master masons Pere Compte and Pere de Campos as a unique person is amended.
En este texto se intentan explicar las primeras fases de la obra de la iglesia de Sant Jaume de Vila-real, concretamente durante el período 1417-1464. Se reanudan los estudios anteriores de J. M. Doñate (1981), A. Zaragozá y M. Gómez-Ferrer (2007), se documentan nuevos maestros y problemas y se deshace el equívoco que, en buena medida a partir de la documentación del mismo edificio, identificaba las figuras de los maestros de obra Pere Compte y Pere de Campos.
In this text we try to explain the first phases of the construction site of the Parish church in Vila-real, specifically in the period 1417-1464. The previous studies of J. M. Doñate (1981), A. Zaragozá and M. Gómez-Ferrer (2007) are resumed and new master builders and problems are documented. Also, the error occurred in the analysis of the building’s documentation to identify the master masons Pere Compte and Pere de Campos as a unique person is amended.
In this text we try to explain the first phases of the construction site of the Parish church in Vila-real, specifically in the period 1417-1464. The previous studies of J. M. Doñate (1981), A. Zaragozá and M. Gómez-Ferrer (2007) are resumed and new master builders and problems are documented. Also, the error occurred in the analysis of the building’s documentation to identify the master masons Pere Compte and Pere de Campos as a unique person is amended.
In this text we try to explain the first phases of the construction site of the Parish church in Vila-real, specifically in the period 1417-1464. The previous studies of J. M. Doñate (1981), A. Zaragozá and M. Gómez-Ferrer (2007) are resumed and new master builders and problems are documented. Also, the error occurred in the analysis of the building’s documentation to identify the master masons Pere Compte and Pere de Campos as a unique person is amended.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-09-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40678
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 19: Primavera 2022; 1-19
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 1-19
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 19: Primavera 2022; 1-19
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 1-19
2014-7023
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40678/38238
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/40681
2022-09-30T09:11:45Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
El monacat als regnes de Lleó i Castella (segles IX-XIII): aproximació a la seva problemàtica
Monasticism in the kingdoms of Leon and Castile (ninth to thirteenth centuries): an Approach to its Specific Problems
El monacato en los reinos de León y Castilla (siglos IX-XIII): aproximación a su problemática
Monasticism in the kingdoms of Leon and Castile (ninth to thirteenth centuries): an Approach to its Specific Problems
Monasticism in the kingdoms of Leon and Castile (ninth to thirteenth centuries): an Approach to its Specific Problems
Monasticism in the kingdoms of Leon and Castile (ninth to thirteenth centuries): an Approach to its Specific Problems
Reglero de la Fuente, Carlos Manuel
monacat
Castella
Lleó
Edat Mitjana
Monasticism
Castile
Leon
Middle Ages
monacato
Castilla
León
Edad Media
El desenvolupament dels estudis sobre el monacat a la Corona de Castella a l'últim mig segle ha renovat la nostra visió del mateix amb la incorporació de nous temes i la reconsideració dels anteriors. L'anàlisi dels dominis monàstics, la relació entre monestirs i societat, la creació i gestió de la memòria, el monacat femení o les formes de vida monàstica i les regles i els costums han atret l'atenció dels historiadors. Això ha permès millorar el nostre coneixement de l'economia, de la societat o de la cultura en general, així com dels monestirs i de les comunitats que els ocupaven.
The development of studies concerning monasticism in the kingdom of Castile over the last half century has changed our perception of monasticism through the incorporation of new topics and a reconsideration of the old ones. The analysis of monastic domains, the relation between monasteries and society, the creation and management of memory, female monasticism and other forms of monastic life, and its rules and customs have all attracted the interest of historians. This has improved our knowledge of the economy, the society and the culture, both in general as well as that of the monasteries and their communities.
El desarrollo de los estudios sobre el monacato en la Corona de Castilla en el último medio siglo ha renovado nuestra visión del mismo con la incorporación de nuevos temas y la reconsideración de los anteriores. El análisis de los dominios monásticos, la relación entre monasterios y sociedad, la creación y gestión de la memoria, el monacato femenino o las formas de vida monástica y las reglas y costumbres han atraído la atención de los historiadores. Ello ha permitido mejorar nuestro conocimiento de la economía, de la sociedad o de la cultura en general, así como de los monasterios y las comunidades que los ocupaban.
The development of studies concerning monasticism in the kingdom of Castile over the last half century has changed our perception of monasticism through the incorporation of new topics and a reconsideration of the old ones. The analysis of monastic domains, the relation between monasteries and society, the creation and management of memory, female monasticism and other forms of monastic life, and its rules and customs have all attracted the interest of historians. This has improved our knowledge of the economy, the society and the culture, both in general as well as that of the monasteries and their communities.
The development of studies concerning monasticism in the kingdom of Castile over the last half century has changed our perception of monasticism through the incorporation of new topics and a reconsideration of the old ones. The analysis of monastic domains, the relation between monasteries and society, the creation and management of memory, female monasticism and other forms of monastic life, and its rules and customs have all attracted the interest of historians. This has improved our knowledge of the economy, the society and the culture, both in general as well as that of the monasteries and their communities.
The development of studies concerning monasticism in the kingdom of Castile over the last half century has changed our perception of monasticism through the incorporation of new topics and a reconsideration of the old ones. The analysis of monastic domains, the relation between monasteries and society, the creation and management of memory, female monasticism and other forms of monastic life, and its rules and customs have all attracted the interest of historians. This has improved our knowledge of the economy, the society and the culture, both in general as well as that of the monasteries and their communities.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-09-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40681
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 19: Primavera 2022; 20-38
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 20-38
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 19: Primavera 2022; 20-38
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 20-38
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40681/38239
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/40683
2022-09-30T09:11:45Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La pintura romànica catalana i la litúrgia eucarística: teofanies, crucifixions i Verges amb el Nen
Catalan Romanesque painting and the Eucharistic liturgy: Theophanies, Crucifixions and Virgins with the Child
La pintura románica catalana y la liturgia eucarística: teofanías, crucifixiones y Vírgenes con el Niño
Catalan Romanesque painting and the Eucharistic liturgy: Theophanies, Crucifixions and Virgins with the Child
Catalan Romanesque painting and the Eucharistic liturgy: Theophanies, Crucifixions and Virgins with the Child
Catalan Romanesque painting and the Eucharistic liturgy: Theophanies, Crucifixions and Virgins with the Child
Angheben, Marcello
Romànic
Pintura
Espanya
Catalunya
liturgia
Eucaristia
teofania
Crucifixió
la Verge i el Nen
serafins
querubins
Romanesque
Painting
Spain
Catalonia
liturgy
Eucharist
theophany
Crucifixion
Madonna and Child
seraphs
cherubs
Románico
Pintura
España
Cataluña
liturgia
Eucaristía
teofanía
Crucifixión
la Virgen y el Niño
serafines
querubines
Les pintures murals romàniques procedents de l'actual Catalunya i dels seus marges septentrionals mostren una voluntat singular de ressaltar la celebració de l'Eucaristia i els seus vincles amb la litúrgia celestial. S'han establert múltiples connexions a través de temes generalment interpretats en aquest sentit, com l'Anyell i el Sacrifici d'Abel, però també a través de les tres imatges divines que es poden qualificar de canòniques. El Crist entronitzat exerceix la seva funció de gran sacerdot d'aquesta litúrgia celestial mentre la seva cort realitza gestos o accions que entren en ressonància amb la celebració de la missa: els serafins, els querubins i presumiblement els Vivents i els Ancians de l'Apocalipsi canten el Sanctus, els arcàngels advocats transmeten a Déu l'oració del Pater Noster, altres àngels encenen les oblates que han estat col·locades a l'altar durant l'ofertori i el serafí d'Àneu dóna la comunió. Per la seva banda, la Crucifixió es refereix a la reiteració diària del sacrifici de Crist a la creu i el seu cos turmentat es correspon amb el pa i el vi consagrats, a l'igual que el Nen als braços de la seva mare. Finalment, sovint la Verge revesteix una casulla per presentar aquest Cos diví o per sostenir un calze, igual que l'oficiant quan eleva el pa i el vi consagrats, mentre els Mags es fan ressò de la processó de l'ofertori.
The Romanesque mural paintings from the current territory of Catalonia, including its northern margins, display a will to emphasize the celebration of the Eucharist and its relationship with the heavenly liturgy. Multiple connections have been established through themes generally interpreted in this sense, such as the Lamb and the Sacrifice of Abel, but also through the three divine images that can be qualified as canonical. The enthroned Christ exercises his function as high priest of this heavenly liturgy while his court performs gestures or actions echoing the celebration of the mass: the seraphim, the cherubim and presumably the Living Ones and the Elders of the Apocalypse are singing the Sanctus, the advocate archangels transmit to God the prayer of the Pater Noster, other angels incense the oblates that have been placed on the altar during the offertory and the seraphim of Àneu is giving communion. The Crucifixion refers to the daily reiteration of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross and his tormented body corresponds to the consecrated bread and wine, as does the Child in his mother’s lap. Finally, the Virgin often wears a chasuble to present this divine Body or to hold a chalice, as does the officiant when he raises the consecrated bread and wine, while the Magi echo the offertory procession.
Las pinturas murales románicas procedentes de la actual Cataluña y de sus márgenes septentrionales muestran una singular voluntad de resaltar la celebración de la Eucaristía y sus vínculos con la liturgia celestial. Se han establecido múltiples conexiones a través de temas generalmente interpretados en este sentido, como el Cordero y el Sacrificio de Abel, pero también a través de las tres imágenes divinas que pueden calificarse de canónicas. El Cristo entronizado ejerce su función de sumo sacerdote de esta liturgia celestial mientras su corte realiza gestos o acciones que entran en resonancia con la celebración de la misa: los serafines, los querubines y presumiblemente los Vivientes y los Ancianos del Apocalipsis cantan el Sanctus, los arcángeles abogados transmiten a Dios la oración del Pater Noster, otros ángeles inciensan las oblatas que han sido colocadas en el altar durante el ofertorio y el serafín de Àneu da la comunión. Por su parte, la Crucifixión se refiere a la reiteración diaria del sacrificio de Cristo en la cruz y su cuerpo atormentado se corresponde con el pan y el vino consagrados, al igual que el Niño en brazos de su madre. Finalmente, a menudo la Virgen reviste una casulla para presentar a este Cuerpo divino o para sostener un cáliz, igual que el oficiante cuando eleva el pan y el vino consagrados, mientras los Magos se hacen eco de la procesión del ofertorio.
The Romanesque mural paintings from the current territory of Catalonia, including its northern margins, display a will to emphasize the celebration of the Eucharist and its relationship with the heavenly liturgy. Multiple connections have been established through themes generally interpreted in this sense, such as the Lamb and the Sacrifice of Abel, but also through the three divine images that can be qualified as canonical. The enthroned Christ exercises his function as high priest of this heavenly liturgy while his court performs gestures or actions echoing the celebration of the mass: the seraphim, the cherubim and presumably the Living Ones and the Elders of the Apocalypse are singing the Sanctus, the advocate archangels transmit to God the prayer of the Pater Noster, other angels incense the oblates that have been placed on the altar during the offertory and the seraphim of Àneu is giving communion. The Crucifixion refers to the daily reiteration of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross and his tormented body corresponds to the consecrated bread and wine, as does the Child in his mother’s lap. Finally, the Virgin often wears a chasuble to present this divine Body or to hold a chalice, as does the officiant when he raises the consecrated bread and wine, while the Magi echo the offertory procession.
The Romanesque mural paintings from the current territory of Catalonia, including its northern margins, display a will to emphasize the celebration of the Eucharist and its relationship with the heavenly liturgy. Multiple connections have been established through themes generally interpreted in this sense, such as the Lamb and the Sacrifice of Abel, but also through the three divine images that can be qualified as canonical. The enthroned Christ exercises his function as high priest of this heavenly liturgy while his court performs gestures or actions echoing the celebration of the mass: the seraphim, the cherubim and presumably the Living Ones and the Elders of the Apocalypse are singing the Sanctus, the advocate archangels transmit to God the prayer of the Pater Noster, other angels incense the oblates that have been placed on the altar during the offertory and the seraphim of Àneu is giving communion. The Crucifixion refers to the daily reiteration of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross and his tormented body corresponds to the consecrated bread and wine, as does the Child in his mother’s lap. Finally, the Virgin often wears a chasuble to present this divine Body or to hold a chalice, as does the officiant when he raises the consecrated bread and wine, while the Magi echo the offertory procession.
The Romanesque mural paintings from the current territory of Catalonia, including its northern margins, display a will to emphasize the celebration of the Eucharist and its relationship with the heavenly liturgy. Multiple connections have been established through themes generally interpreted in this sense, such as the Lamb and the Sacrifice of Abel, but also through the three divine images that can be qualified as canonical. The enthroned Christ exercises his function as high priest of this heavenly liturgy while his court performs gestures or actions echoing the celebration of the mass: the seraphim, the cherubim and presumably the Living Ones and the Elders of the Apocalypse are singing the Sanctus, the advocate archangels transmit to God the prayer of the Pater Noster, other angels incense the oblates that have been placed on the altar during the offertory and the seraphim of Àneu is giving communion. The Crucifixion refers to the daily reiteration of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross and his tormented body corresponds to the consecrated bread and wine, as does the Child in his mother’s lap. Finally, the Virgin often wears a chasuble to present this divine Body or to hold a chalice, as does the officiant when he raises the consecrated bread and wine, while the Magi echo the offertory procession.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-09-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40683
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 19: Primavera 2022; 39-86
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 39-86
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 19: Primavera 2022; 39-86
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 39-86
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40683/38247
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/40684
2022-09-30T09:11:45Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Els orígens iconogràfics de l'infern com a devorador d'ànimes al cristianisme medieval europeu
The iconographic origins of hell as a devourer of souls in medieval European Christianity
Los orígenes iconográficos del infierno como devorador de almas en el cristianismo medieval europeo
The iconographic origins of hell as a devourer of souls in medieval European Christianity
The iconographic origins of hell as a devourer of souls in medieval European Christianity
The iconographic origins of hell as a devourer of souls in medieval European Christianity
Bermúdez Cordero, Marta
Gómez Peña, Álvaro
iconografia
simbolisme religiós
arqueologia mediterrània
cristianisme medieval
éssers híbrids
infern
iconography
religious symbolism
Mediterranean archaeology
Medieval Christianism
hybrid beings
hell
iconografía
simbolismo religioso
arqueología mediterránea
cristianismo medieval
seres híbridos
infierno
Entre les creences escatològiques del cristianisme medieval europeu destaca la imatge de l'infern com un monstre amb una enorme gola que engoleix les ànimes dels condemnats. En estreta relació amb aquest tema, de vegades els difunts foren representats sent cuinats en grans calders com a part del seu martiri. Per intentar explicar el perquè d'aquesta iconografia, alguns autors han comparat aquestes imatges amb les referències veterotestamentàries sobre Leviatan i també del She'ol hebreu com un ésser que s'alimenta dels pecadors. Al costat d'aquesta proposta, una altra part dels investigadors ha fet el mateix prenent com a referents diversos éssers híbrids documentats durant l'Antiguitat en diferents tradicions religioses mediterrànies i proper-orientals. En aquest article es posa en relleu que tant les referències hebrees com les de la resta de l'àmbit mediterrani són expressions religioses d'una mateixa idea àmpliament estesa: la mort com a entitat devoradora amb una enorme gola, afegint-se nous exemples iconogràfics anteriors al canvi d'era.
In Medieval Europe, Hell was usually represented as a devouring monster. Also, the souls of the deceased were represented as being cooked in large cauldrons to be later ingested by the devil and his assistants. In order to explain the origin of this view, some authors have compared these images with the Old Testament references to Leviathan and the Hebrew She’ol as a place that devours dead people. Along with this proposal, another part of the researchers has done the same considering several hybrid beings documented during Antiquity in different Mediterranean and Near Eastern religious traditions that engulfed the deceased. In this publication it is emphasized that both the Hebrew references and those of the rest of the Mediterranean area are religious expressions of the same idea: death as a devouring entity of vast jaws, including new iconographic elements dated to before the Christian era.
Entre las creencias escatológicas del cristianismo medieval europeo destaca la imagen del infierno como un monstruo de grandes fauces que engulle las almas de los condenados. En estrecha relación con este tema, en ocasiones los difuntos fueron representados siendo cocinados en grandes calderos como parte de su martirio. Para tratar de explicar el porqué de esta iconografía, algunos autores han comparado estas imágenes con las referencias veterotestamentarias acerca de Leviatán y también del She’ol hebreo como ente que se alimenta de los pecadores. Junto a esta propuesta, otra parte de los investigadores ha hecho lo propio tomando como referentes a varios seres híbridos documentados durante la Antigüedad en diferentes tradiciones religiosas mediterráneas y próximo-orientales. En la presente publicación se pone de relieve que tanto las referencias hebreas como las del resto del ámbito mediterráneo son expresiones religiosas de una misma idea ampliamente extendida: la muerte como entidad devoradora de amplias fauces, añadiéndose nuevos ejemplos iconográficos anteriores al cambio de era.
In Medieval Europe, Hell was usually represented as a devouring monster. Also, the souls of the deceased were represented as being cooked in large cauldrons to be later ingested by the devil and his assistants. In order to explain the origin of this view, some authors have compared these images with the Old Testament references to Leviathan and the Hebrew She’ol as a place that devours dead people. Along with this proposal, another part of the researchers has done the same considering several hybrid beings documented during Antiquity in different Mediterranean and Near Eastern religious traditions that engulfed the deceased. In this publication it is emphasized that both the Hebrew references and those of the rest of the Mediterranean area are religious expressions of the same idea: death as a devouring entity of vast jaws, including new iconographic elements dated to before the Christian era.
In Medieval Europe, Hell was usually represented as a devouring monster. Also, the souls of the deceased were represented as being cooked in large cauldrons to be later ingested by the devil and his assistants. In order to explain the origin of this view, some authors have compared these images with the Old Testament references to Leviathan and the Hebrew She’ol as a place that devours dead people. Along with this proposal, another part of the researchers has done the same considering several hybrid beings documented during Antiquity in different Mediterranean and Near Eastern religious traditions that engulfed the deceased. In this publication it is emphasized that both the Hebrew references and those of the rest of the Mediterranean area are religious expressions of the same idea: death as a devouring entity of vast jaws, including new iconographic elements dated to before the Christian era.
In Medieval Europe, Hell was usually represented as a devouring monster. Also, the souls of the deceased were represented as being cooked in large cauldrons to be later ingested by the devil and his assistants. In order to explain the origin of this view, some authors have compared these images with the Old Testament references to Leviathan and the Hebrew She’ol as a place that devours dead people. Along with this proposal, another part of the researchers has done the same considering several hybrid beings documented during Antiquity in different Mediterranean and Near Eastern religious traditions that engulfed the deceased. In this publication it is emphasized that both the Hebrew references and those of the rest of the Mediterranean area are religious expressions of the same idea: death as a devouring entity of vast jaws, including new iconographic elements dated to before the Christian era.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-09-30
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40684
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 19: Primavera 2022; 87-123
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 87-123
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 19: Primavera 2022; 87-123
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 19: Spring 2022; 87-123
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/40684/38242
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/41595
2022-12-27T16:55:55Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Geografia, ascetisme i monacat a la península itàlica després de de l'obra Italia ascetica atque monastica de Georg Jenal (1995)
Geography, asceticism and monasticism in the Italic peninsula after Georg Jenal’s Italia ascetica atque monastica (1995)
Geografia, ascetismo e monachesimo nella penisola italica dopo Italia ascetica atque monastica di Georg Jenal (1995)
Geography, asceticism and monasticism in the Italic peninsula after Georg Jenal’s Italia ascetica atque monastica (1995)
Geografia, ascetismo e monachesimo nella penisola italica dopo Italia ascetica atque monastica di Georg Jenal (1995)
Alciati, Roberto
ascetisme
monacat
Itàlia
Història
Arqueologia
Georg Jenal
Asceticism
Monasticism
Italy
History
Archaeology
Georg Jenal
ascetismo
monachesimo
Italia
Storia
Archeologia
Georg Jenal
L'objectiu d'aquest article és analitzar el valor heurístic de la perspectiva geogràfica en la història del primer monacat cristià. El llibre de Georg Jenal Italia ascetica atque monastica (1995) proporciona un excel·lent exemple per avaluar els avantatges i limitacions d'aquest enfocament. Gairebé vint-i-cinc anys després de la seva publicació, les tendències historiogràfiques recents, especialment en l'àmbit de l'arqueologia, semblen mostrar els límits de les anàlisis d'aquest tipus. Finalment, s'examinarà com aborda Jenal la relació entre l'ascetisme i el monacat.
The purpose of this essay is to analyze the heuristic value of the geographical perspective in the history of early Christian monasticism. Georg Jenal’s book Italia ascetica atque monastica (1995) provides an excellent example for assessing the advantages and limitations of this approach. Almost twenty-five years after its publication, recent historiographical trends, especially in the field of archaeology, seem to show the limits of analyses of this kind. Finally, how Jenal deals with the relationship between asceticism and monasticism will be examined.
Scopo di questo saggio è analizzare il valore euristico della prospettiva geograficanella storia del monachesimo cristiano antico. Il libro Italia ascetica atque monastica di Georg Jenal (1995) rappresenta un ottimo esempio per valutare vantaggi e limiti di questoapproccio. A distanza di quasi venticinque anni dalla pubblicazione, le recenti tendenze storiografiche, soprattutto in campo archeologico, paiono mostrare i limiti di analisi di questo tipo. A questo si aggiunga infine il modo in cui Jenal tratta ilrapporto fra ascetismo e monachesimo.
The purpose of this essay is to analyze the heuristic value of the geographical perspective in the history of early Christian monasticism. Georg Jenal’s book Italia ascetica atque monastica (1995) provides an excellent example for assessing the advantages and limitations of this approach. Almost twenty-five years after its publication, recent historiographical trends, especially in the field of archaeology, seem to show the limits of analyses of this kind. Finally, how Jenal deals with the relationship between asceticism and monasticism will be examined.
Scopo di questo saggio è analizzare il valore euristico della prospettiva geografica nella storia del monachesimo cristiano antico. Il libro Italia ascetica atque monastica di Georg Jenal (1995) rappresenta un ottimo esempio per valutare vantaggi e limiti di questo approccio. A distanza di quasi venticinque anni dalla pubblicazione, le recenti tendenze storiografiche, soprattutto in campo archeologico, paiono mostrare i limiti di analisi di questo tipo. A questo si aggiunga infine il modo in cui Jenal tratta il rapporto fra ascetismo e monachesimo.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-12-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41595
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 20: Tardor 2022; 6-21
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 6-21
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 20: Otoño 2022; 6-21
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 6-21
2014-7023
ita
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41595/38828
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/41598
2022-12-27T16:55:55Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Leandre de Sevilla i el cenobitisme femení: una virginitat subordinada
Leander of Seville and female cenobitism: a subordinate virginity
Leandro de Sevilla y el cenobitismo femenino: una virginidad subordinada
Leander of Seville and female cenobitism: a subordinate virginity
Leander of Seville and female cenobitism: a subordinate virginity
Díaz Martínez, Pablo C.
Leandre de Sevilla
virginitat
monacat
dona
legislació religiosa
Leander of Seville
Virginity
Monasticism
Women
Canon Law
Leandro de Sevilla
virginidad
monacato
mujer
legislación religiosa
El text De institutioni virginum, escrit per Leandre de Sevilla al voltant del 580, és pràcticament l'únic testimoni sobre l'existència d'un monacat femení organitzat abans de la conversió oficial del regne visigot al catolicisme l'any 589. El text té com a objectiu mostrar la superioritat de la virginitat davant del matrimoni, i a convèncer la destinatària del mateix, la seva germana Florentina, professa en un monestir, que ha pres la decisió encertada. No obstant això, inclou dos aspectes més que interessen a l'estudi del cenobitisme femení tardohispà. D'una banda, la insistència en la superioritat de la vida monàstica comunitària sobre la virginitat consagrada a l'àmbit familiar. D'altra banda, una percepció ideològica que trasllada a l'àmbit de la professió ascètica els mateixos criteris de menysteniment de la dona que són recurrents a la societat del moment. La conseqüència és una visió de la religiosa com un ésser feble en la vessant moral i necessitada de la protecció masculina en la vessant física. La legislació conciliar bètica sobre la vida monàstica femenina, sorgida del concili de Sevilla del 619, evidencia que aquestes idees es van plasmar en la subjecció dels monestirs femenins a la tutela dels masculins com a norma general.
The text De institutione virginum, written by Leander of Seville around 580, is practically the only evidence of the existence of an organized female monasticism before the official conversion of the Visigothic Kingdom to Catholicism in 589. The text is aimed both at showing the superiority of virginity over marriage, and convincing its addressee, his sister Florentina, a professed virgin in a monastery, that she has made the right decision. However, it includes two other aspects of interest to the study of late-Hispanic female cenobitism. On the one hand, it insists on the superiority of monastic community life over consecrated virginity in the family environment. On the other hand, it reveals an ideological perception which transfers to the sphere of the ascetic profession the same criteria that served for undervaluing women and were recurrent in the society of the time. As a consequence, virgins were considered morally weak and physically in need of male protection. The Betic conciliar legislation on female monastic life, emanating from the Council of Seville in 619, shows that these ideas were embodied in the subjection, as a general rule, of female monasteries to the tutelage of male monasteries.
El texto De institutioni virginum, escrito por Leandro de Sevilla en torno al 580, es prácticamente el único testimonio sobre la existencia de un monacato femenino organizado antes de la conversión oficial del reino visigodo al catolicismo en el 589. El texto está destinado a mostrar la superioridad de la virginidad frente al matrimonio, y a convencer a la destinataria del mismo, su hermana Florentina, profesa en un monasterio, de que ha tomado una decisión acertada. Sin embargo, incluye otros dos aspectos que interesan al estudio del cenobitismo femenino tardo-hispano. Por un lado, la insistencia en la superioridad de la vida monástica comunitaria sobre la virginidad consagrada en el ámbito familiar. Por otra parte, una percepción ideológica que traslada al ámbito de la profesión ascética los mismos criterios de minusvaloración de la mujer que son recurrentes en la sociedad del momento. La consecuencia es una visión de la religiosa como un ser débil en lo moral y necesitada de la protección masculina en lo físico. La legislación conciliar bética sobre la vida monástica femenina, emanada del concilio de Sevilla del 619, evidencia que estas ideas se plasmaron en la sujeción de los monasterios femeninos a la tutela de los masculinos como norma general.
The text De institutione virginum, written by Leander of Seville around 580, is practically the only evidence of the existence of an organized female monasticism before the official conversion of the Visigothic Kingdom to Catholicism in 589. The text is aimed both at showing the superiority of virginity over marriage, and convincing its addressee, his sister Florentina, a professed virgin in a monastery, that she has made the right decision. However, it includes two other aspects of interest to the study of late-Hispanic female cenobitism. On the one hand, it insists on the superiority of monastic community life over consecrated virginity in the family environment. On the other hand, it reveals an ideological perception which transfers to the sphere of the ascetic profession the same criteria that served for undervaluing women and were recurrent in the society of the time. As a consequence, virgins were considered morally weak and physically in need of male protection. The Betic conciliar legislation on female monastic life, emanating from the Council of Seville in 619, shows that these ideas were embodied in the subjection, as a general rule, of female monasteries to the tutelage of male monasteries.
The text De institutione virginum, written by Leander of Seville around 580, is practically the only evidence of the existence of an organized female monasticism before the official conversion of the Visigothic Kingdom to Catholicism in 589. The text is aimed both at showing the superiority of virginity over marriage, and convincing its addressee, his sister Florentina, a professed virgin in a monastery, that she has made the right decision. However, it includes two other aspects of interest to the study of late-Hispanic female cenobitism. On the one hand, it insists on the superiority of monastic community life over consecrated virginity in the family environment. On the other hand, it reveals an ideological perception which transfers to the sphere of the ascetic profession the same criteria that served for undervaluing women and were recurrent in the society of the time. As a consequence, virgins were considered morally weak and physically in need of male protection. The Betic conciliar legislation on female monastic life, emanating from the Council of Seville in 619, shows that these ideas were embodied in the subjection, as a general rule, of female monasteries to the tutelage of male monasteries.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-12-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41598
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 20: Tardor 2022; 22-39
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 22-39
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 20: Otoño 2022; 22-39
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 22-39
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41598/38829
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/41599
2022-12-27T16:55:55Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Història monàstica visigòtica: vells camins i noves direccions
Visigothic Monastic History: Old Paths and New Directions
Historia monástica visigótica: viejos caminos y nuevas direcciones
Visigothic Monastic History: Old Paths and New Directions
Visigothic Monastic History: Old Paths and New Directions
Collins, Roger
monaquisme
regne visigot
Espanya
Historiografia
Monasticism
Visigothic Kingdom
Spain
Historiography
monacato
reino visigodo
España
Historiografía
Fa mig segle, les úniques evidències de la vida i les pràctiques monàstiques del regne visigòtic procedien de fonts literàries, encara que de mèrit molt desigual, tant pel valor dels seus continguts i la seva interpretació, com per la qualitat de les seves edicions. Durant les últimes dècades, aquesta darrera qüestió ha millorat, tot i que la manca d'una edició crítica adequada de la majoria de les regles monàstiques de l'època continua sent un punt feble. Després d'un inici lleugerament vacil·lant, causat per desacords sobre la cronologia, l'arqueologia ha començat a tenir un paper central a l'hora de descobrir i entendre els testimonis del monaquisme visigòtic. Les comparacions amb descobertes fetes en d’altres contextos geogràfics, que van des d'Egipte fins a les illes Hèbrides, poden millorar la comprensió de la seva escala i importància a la península Ibèrica en els segles postromans. Encara que queda molta feina per fer, però podem aventurar-nos a dir que el monaquisme hispànic era molt més extens i de caràcter més variat del que s'hauria cregut ara fa cinquanta anys. Per això és important accelerar l'edició i l'estudi de textos per seguir el ritme dels descobriments arqueològics, per entendre millor aquest aspecte important de la història del regne visigot.
Half a century ago, the evidence for monastic life and practices in the Visigothic kingdom consisted entirely of literary sources of very unequal merit, both in the value of their contents and its interpretation, and in the quality of the editions of them. Over recent decades, the latter has improved, though the lack of a proper critical edition of most of the monastic rules of the period remains a great weakness. After a slightly hesitant start, caused by disagreements over chronology, archaeology has come to play a central role in uncovering and understanding the evidence for Visigothic monasticism. Comparisons with discoveries made in several other geographical contexts, ranging from Egypt to the islands of the Hebrides, can enhance understanding of its scale and importance in the Iberian Peninsula in the post-Roman centuries. While much work remains to be done, it seems from what has now been achieved that Hispanic monasticism was far more extensive and more varied in character than would have been believed fifty years ago. Textual editing and study now need to be accelerated, to keep pace with expected further archaeological discoveries, to provide a better understanding of this important aspect of the history of the Visigothic kingdom.
Half a century ago, the evidence for monastic life and practices in the Visigothic kingdom consisted entirely of literary sources of very unequal merit, both in the value of their contents and its interpretation, and in the quality of the editions of them. Over recent decades, the latter has improved, though the lack of a proper critical edition of most of the monastic rules of the period remains a great weakness. After a slightly hesitant start, caused by disagreements over chronology, archaeology has come to play a central role in uncovering and understanding the evidence for Visigothic monasticism. Comparisons with discoveries made in several other geographical contexts, ranging from Egypt to the islands of the Hebrides, can enhance understanding of its scale and importance in the Iberian Peninsula in the post-Roman centuries. While much work remains to be done, it seems from what has now been achieved that Hispanic monasticism was far more extensive and more varied in character than would have been believed fifty years ago. Textual editing and study now need to be accelerated, to keep pace with expected further archaeological discoveries, to provide a better understanding of this important aspect of the history of the Visigothic kingdom.
Half a century ago, the evidence for monastic life and practices in the Visigothic kingdom consisted entirely of literary sources of very unequal merit, both in the value of their contents and its interpretation, and in the quality of the editions of them. Over recent decades, the latter has improved, though the lack of a proper critical edition of most of the monastic rules of the period remains a great weakness. After a slightly hesitant start, caused by disagreements over chronology, archaeology has come to play a central role in uncovering and understanding the evidence for Visigothic monasticism. Comparisons with discoveries made in several other geographical contexts, ranging from Egypt to the islands of the Hebrides, can enhance understanding of its scale and importance in the Iberian Peninsula in the post-Roman centuries. While much work remains to be done, it seems from what has now been achieved that Hispanic monasticism was far more extensive and more varied in character than would have been believed fifty years ago. Textual editing and study now need to be accelerated, to keep pace with expected further archaeological discoveries, to provide a better understanding of this important aspect of the history of the Visigothic kingdom.
Half a century ago, the evidence for monastic life and practices in the Visigothic kingdom consisted entirely of literary sources of very unequal merit, both in the value of their contents and its interpretation, and in the quality of the editions of them. Over recent decades, the latter has improved, though the lack of a proper critical edition of most of the monastic rules of the period remains a great weakness. After a slightly hesitant start, caused by disagreements over chronology, archaeology has come to play a central role in uncovering and understanding the evidence for Visigothic monasticism. Comparisons with discoveries made in several other geographical contexts, ranging from Egypt to the islands of the Hebrides, can enhance understanding of its scale and importance in the Iberian Peninsula in the post-Roman centuries. While much work remains to be done, it seems from what has now been achieved that Hispanic monasticism was far more extensive and more varied in character than would have been believed fifty years ago. Textual editing and study now need to be accelerated, to keep pace with expected further archaeological discoveries, to provide a better understanding of this important aspect of the history of the Visigothic kingdom.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-12-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41599
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 20: Tardor 2022; 40-69
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 40-69
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 20: Otoño 2022; 40-69
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 40-69
2014-7023
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41599/38830
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/41600
2022-12-27T16:55:55Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Paisatges monàstics: una nova aproximació al monacat columbà
Monastic landscapes: a new approach to Columbanian Monasticism
Paisajes monásticos: una nueva aproximación al monacato columbano
Monastic landscapes: a new approach to Columbanian Monasticism
Monastic landscapes: a new approach to Columbanian Monasticism
Diem, Albrecht
Jonàs de Bobbio
Gregori de Tours
monacat columbà
França merovíngia
hagiografia
Jonas of Bobbio
Gregory of Tours
Columbanian monasticism
Merovingian Francia
Hagiography
Jonás de Bobbio
Gregorio de Tours
monacato columbano
Francia merovingia
hagiografía
Aquesta contribució proposa diferents nocions de “paisatges monàstics” (geogràfiques, polítiques, textuals, econòmiques, espirituals) i discuteix si el fet d'aplicar-les al moviment monàstic suposadament iniciat per Columbanus ens pot ajudar a redefinir o desconstruir el concepte de “monacat columbà”. La comparació de les evidències sobre la vida monàstica a les obres hagiogràfiques i historiogràfiques de Gregorio de Tours amb la descripció de la vida monàstica a la Vita Columbani de Jonàs de Bobbio mostra que podem identificar un canvi d'un “paisatge monàstic” a la França merovíngia del segle VI a un “paisatge monàstic” políticament integrat al segle VII. Això no vol dir, però, que el canvi fonamental fos necessàriament el resultat de les activitats del monjo irlandès Columbanus. Una lectura atenta de la descripció de Jonàs del paisatge espiritual i físic al voltant de Luxeuil, la principal fundació de Columbanus, mostra el grau de continuïtat entre les fundacions monàstiques a la Gàl·lia abans de Columbanus i el suposat centre d'un nou moviment monàstic “columbà” .
This contribution proposes different notions of “monastic landscapes” (geographic, political, textual, economic, spiritual) and discusses whether applying them to the monastic movement allegedly initiated by Columbanus may help us to refine or deconstruct the concept of “Columbanian monasticism.” Comparing evidence on monastic life in Gregory of Tours’ hagiographic and historiographic works with the depiction of monastic life in Jonas of Bobbio’s Vita Columbani shows that we can indeed identify a shift from a “landscape with monasteries” in sixth-century Merovingian Francia to a politically integrated “monastic landscape” in the seventh century. However, this does not mean that the fundamental shift was necessarily the result of the activities of the Irish monk Columbanus. An investigation of Jonas’ depiction of the spiritual and physical landscape around Columbanus’ main foundation Luxeuil shows the grade of continuity between monastic foundations in Gaul before Columbanus and the alleged center of a new “Columbanian” monastic movement.
Esta contribución propone diferentes nociones de “paisajes monásticos” (geográficas, políticas, textuales, económicas, espirituales) y discute si el hecho de aplicarlas al movimiento monástico supuestamente iniciado por Columbanus puede ayudarnos a redefinir o deconstruir el concepto de “monacato columbano”. La comparación de las evidencias sobre la vida monástica en las obras hagiográficas e historiográficas de Gregorio de Tours con la descripción de la vida monástica en la Vita Columbani de Jonás de Bobbio muestra que podemos identificar un cambio de un “paisaje monástico” en la Francia merovingia del siglo VI a un “paisaje monástico” políticamente integrado en el siglo VII. Sin embargo, esto no significa que el cambio fundamental fuera necesariamente el resultado de las actividades del monje irlandés Columbanus. Una lectura atenta de la descripción de Jonás del paisaje espiritual y físico entorno a Luxeuil, la principal fundación de Columbanus, muestra el grado de continuidad entre las fundaciones monásticas en la Galia antes de Columbanus y el supuesto centro de un nuevo movimiento monástico “columbano”.
This contribution proposes different notions of “monastic landscapes” (geographic, political, textual, economic, spiritual) and discusses whether applying them to the monastic movement allegedly initiated by Columbanus may help us to refine or deconstruct the concept of “Columbanian monasticism.” Comparing evidence on monastic life in Gregory of Tours’ hagiographic and historiographic works with the depiction of monastic life in Jonas of Bobbio’s Vita Columbani shows that we can indeed identify a shift from a “landscape with monasteries” in sixth-century Merovingian Francia to a politically integrated “monastic landscape” in the seventh century. However, this does not mean that the fundamental shift was necessarily the result of the activities of the Irish monk Columbanus. An investigation of Jonas’ depiction of the spiritual and physical landscape around Columbanus’ main foundation Luxeuil shows the grade of continuity between monastic foundations in Gaul before Columbanus and the alleged center of a new “Columbanian” monastic movement.
This contribution proposes different notions of “monastic landscapes” (geographic, political, textual, economic, spiritual) and discusses whether applying them to the monastic movement allegedly initiated by Columbanus may help us to refine or deconstruct the concept of “Columbanian monasticism.” Comparing evidence on monastic life in Gregory of Tours’ hagiographic and historiographic works with the depiction of monastic life in Jonas of Bobbio’s Vita Columbani shows that we can indeed identify a shift from a “landscape with monasteries” in sixth-century Merovingian Francia to a politically integrated “monastic landscape” in the seventh century. However, this does not mean that the fundamental shift was necessarily the result of the activities of the Irish monk Columbanus. An investigation of Jonas’ depiction of the spiritual and physical landscape around Columbanus’ main foundation Luxeuil shows the grade of continuity between monastic foundations in Gaul before Columbanus and the alleged center of a new “Columbanian” monastic movement.
Universitat de Barcelona
2022-12-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41600
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 20: Tardor 2022; 70-96
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 70-96
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 20: Otoño 2022; 70-96
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 20: Autumn 2022; 70-96
2014-7023
eng
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/41600/38831
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/43472
2023-08-01T08:42:33Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Gentildonne del XII e XIII secolo celebrate da trovatori
Gentlewomen of the 12th and 13th centuries celebrated by troubadours
Gentildonne del XII e XIII secolo celebrate da trovatori
Gentildonne del XII e XIII secolo celebrate da trovatori
Guida, Saverio
Peire Vidal
Gui de Cavaillon
Guilhem de Montanhagol
Laurac
Galborga
Algaia
Peire Vidal
Gui de Cavaillon
Guilhem de Montanhagol
Laurac
Galborga
Algaia
Peire Vidal
Gui de Cavaillon
Guilhem de Montanhagol
Laurac
Galborga
Algaia
Peire Vidal
Gui de Cavaillon
Guilhem de Montanhagol
Laurac
Galborga
Algaia
Aquest treball s’inscriu en el marc d’un projecte més ampli orientat al reconeixement del context original de producció i recepció de la lírica trobadoresca i a la reconstrucció de la identitat històrica i del paper sociocultural desenvolupat per les inspiradores i/o destinatàries de moltes composicions occitanes que encara avui presenten trets misteriosos i enigmàtics. He intentat aclarir en aquest article qui s’amaga darrere de l’expressió «bells arquiers de Laurac» recollida al v. 15 del sirventès Mos cors s’alegr’e s’esjau de Peire Vidal; amb qui seria identificable «la bella na Galborga» celebrada per Gui de Cavaillon a la tençó fictícia Ai, mantel vil; i qui podria ser la noble Algaia que evoca Guilhem de Montanhagol a la cançó BdT 225,8.
This paper is part of a larger project aimed at appraising the original context of production and reception of the troubadour lyric and at the reconstruction of the historical identity and the socio-cultural role played by the women inspirers and/or recipients of many compositions in Occitan language, who are still unidentified. This article tries to discover who is hiding behind the expression «bells arquiers de Laurac» that appears in v. 15 of the sirventes Mos cors s’alegr’es’esjau by Peire Vidal. Also, who could be «la bella na Galborga» celebrated by Gui de Cavaillon in the fictitious tenso Ai, mantel vil; and finally, we try to identify the noblewoman Algaia evoked by Guilhem de Montanhagol in the song BdT 225.8.
This paper is part of a larger project aimed at appraising the original context of production and reception of the troubadour lyric and at the reconstruction of the historical identity and the socio-cultural role played by the women inspirers and/or recipients of many compositions in Occitan language, who are still unidentified. This article tries to discover who is hiding behind the expression «bells arquiers de Laurac» that appears in v. 15 of the sirventes Mos cors s’alegr’es’esjau by Peire Vidal. Also, who could be «la bella na Galborga» celebrated by Gui de Cavaillon in the fictitious tenso Ai, mantel vil; and finally, we try to identify the noblewoman Algaia evoked by Guilhem de Montanhagol in the song BdT 225.8.
Nell’ambito di un più vasto progetto di ravvisamento dell’originario contesto di produzione e di ricezione della lirica trobadorica e di ricostruzione dell’identità storica e del ruolo socioculturale svolto dalle ispiratrici e/o destinatarie di tanti componimenti in lingua d’oc segnate a tutt’oggi da tratti misteriosi ed enigmatici, ho cercato in questa sede di chiarire chi si nasconda dietro la locuzione «bells arquiers de Laurac» che s’incontra al v. 15 del sirventese Mos cors s’alegr’e s’esjau di Peire Vidal, con chi sia da identificare «la bella na Galborga» celebrata da Gui de Cavaillon nella tenzone fittizia Ai, mantel vil, con chi sia da omologare la nobildonna Algaia evocata da Guilhem de Montanhagol nella canzone BdT 225,8.
Universitat de Barcelona
2023-06-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43472
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 21: Primavera 2023; 1-49
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Spring 2023; 1-49
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 21: Primavera 2023; 1-49
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Primavera 2023; 1-49
2014-7023
ita
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43472/39846
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/43474
2023-08-01T08:42:33Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Petrus Guteriz: scriptor en Santa María de Meira, Lugo (C. 1173-1192)
Petrus Guteriz: scriptor in Santa María de Meira, Lugo (C. 1173-1192)
Petrus Guteriz: scriptor en Santa María de Meira, Lugo (C. 1173-1192)
Petrus Guteriz: scriptor in Santa María de Meira, Lugo (C. 1173-1192)
Piñeiro Pedreira, Sandra
Cister
Santa María de Meira (Lugo)
segle XII
documentació privada
scriptor particular
Cîteaux
Santa María de Meira (Lugo)
12th century
private documentation
particular scriptor
Císter
Santa María de Meira (Lugo)
siglo XII
documentación privada
scriptor particular
Per als primers decennis de vida regular, a la documentació privada de Santa María de Meira (Lugo) se succeeixen els artífexs materials, d’activitat i condició variable. En efecte, al servei d’aquesta abadia, escripturant els seus negocis jurídics, trobem nombrosos escrivents, tant scriptores laics de l’entorn com monjos instruïts de la comunitat que posseeixen les competències jurídiques i formals de la redacció documental. Tanmateix, la inestabilitat inherent a aquesta professió limitarà la prevalença dels amanuenses en el temps i en el pergamí. L’única excepció serà Petrus Guteriz, que desenvoluparà aquesta tasca durant gairebé vint anys en més d’una dotzena d’escrits. Es tracta d’una actuació constant i prolífica sobre el coneixement de la qual pretén contribuir el present estudi, intentant respondre els interrogants tradicionals de la disciplina paleogràfica sobre aquest artífex i la seva escriptura: què, qui, com, on i quan. La seva resposta ens aproximarà a la tasca gràfica de Petrus Guteriz, en particular, i a la dels scriptores tradicionals, en general, just abans que tot es transformi amb l'emergència del notariat públic.
During the first decades of monastic life, in the private documentation of Santa María de Meira (Lugo) there is a succession of scribes, of variable profession and nature. In fact, in the service of this Cistercian house, writing its patrimonial affairs, we find numerous scribes, both lay scriptores from the surrounding area and educated monks from the community who possess the legal and formal skills of documentary writing. However, the instability of this profession will limit the prevalence of the scribes over time and in the parchment. The only exception will be Petrus Guteriz, who will work for twenty years in more than twelve writings. A constant and prolific activity to whose knowledge this study aims to contribute, trying to answer the traditional questions of the palaeographical discipline: what, who, how, where, when. Their reply will bring us closer to the writing activity of Petrus Guteriz -in particular- and to that of the traditional scriptores -in general- just before everything change with the emergence of the public notary.
Para los primeros decenios de vida regular, en la documentación privada de Santa María de Meira (Lugo) se suceden los artífices materiales, de actividad y condición variable. En efecto, al servicio de esta abadía, escriturando sus negocios jurídicos, nos encontramos con numerosos escribas, tanto scriptores laicos del entorno como monjes instruidos de la comunidad que poseen las competencias jurídicas y formales de la redacción documental. Sin embargo, la inestabilidad inherente a esta profesión limitará la prevalencia de los amanuenses en el tiempo y en el pergamino. La única excepción será Petrus Guteriz, que desempeñará dicha tarea por casi veinte años en más de una docena de escritos. Una constante y prolífica actuación a cuyo conocimiento busca contribuir el presente estudio, tratando de resolver sobre este artífice y su escritura los interrogantes tradicionales de la disciplina paleográfica: qué, quién, cómo, dónde y cuándo. Su respuesta nos aproximará a la labor gráfica de Petrus Guteriz, en particular, y a la de los scriptores tradicionales, en general, justo antes de que todo se transforme con la emergencia del notariado público.
During the first decades of monastic life, in the private documentation of Santa María de Meira (Lugo) there is a succession of scribes, of variable profession and nature. In fact, in the service of this Cistercian house, writing its patrimonial affairs, we find numerous scribes, both lay scriptores from the surrounding area and educated monks from the community who possess the legal and formal skills of documentary writing. However, the instability of this profession will limit the prevalence of the scribes over time and in the parchment. The only exception will be Petrus Guteriz, who will work for twenty years in more than twelve writings. A constant and prolific activity to whose knowledge this study aims to contribute, trying to answer the traditional questions of the palaeographical discipline: what, who, how, where, when. Their reply will bring us closer to the writing activity of Petrus Guteriz -in particular- and to that of the traditional scriptores -in general- just before everything change with the emergence of the public notary.
Universitat de Barcelona
2023-06-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43474
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 21: Primavera 2023; 50-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Spring 2023; 50-71
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 21: Primavera 2023; 50-71
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Primavera 2023; 50-71
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43474/39837
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/43476
2023-08-01T08:42:33Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La vida de los otros: el pensamiento contrafactual en la literatura autobiográfica grecolatina de los siglos IV-V
The Lives of Others: counterfactual thinking in Graeco-Roman autobiographical literature in the IV-V centuries
La vida de los otros: el pensamiento contrafactual en la literatura autobiográfica grecolatina de los siglos IV-V
The Lives of Others: counterfactual thinking in Graeco-Roman autobiographical literature in the IV-V centuries
Quiroga Puertas, Alberto J.
autobiografia
pensament contrafactual
amplificació retòrica
Libani d’Antioquia
Agustí d’Hipona
Autobiography
Counterfactual Thinking
Rhetorical Amplification
Libanius of Antioch
Augustine of Hippo
autobiografía
pensamiento contrafactual
amplificación retórica
Libanio de Antioquía
Agustín de Hipona
El present article persegueix investigar la presència de períodes contrafactuals en la literatura autobiogràfica del període tardoantic per tal d’analitzar la seva funció narratològica en dues obres de referència dels segles IV i V: l’Autobiografia del sofista Libani d’Antioquia i les Confessions d’Agustí d’Hipona. Tenint en compte aquest objectiu, s’abordarà, en primera instància, un breu estudi sobre el pensament contrafactual en la cultura greco-romana i, a continuació, es procedirà a l’anàlisi de la seva presència en ambdues autobiografies.
This paper aims to explore the presence of counterfactual clauses in autobiographies from the late antique period in order to analyze their narratological function in two key works from the IV-V centuries: Autobiography by the sophist Libanius of Antioch and the Confessions by Augustine of Hippo. In order to do so, a short introduction to counterfactual thinking in the Graeco-Roman civilization will be provided; then, the two autobiographies will be analyzed through the lens of counterfactual thinking.
El presente artículo persigue investigar la presencia de periodos contrafactuales en la literatura autobiográfica del periodo tardo-antiguo con el fin de analizar su función narratológica en dos obras de referencia de los siglos IV y V: la Autobiografía del sofista Libanio de Antioquía y las Confesiones de Agustín de Hipona. Con este objetivo en mente, se abordará en primera instancia un breve estudio del pensamiento contrafactual en la cultura grecorromana para, a continuación, proceder al análisis de su presencia en ambas autobiografías.
Universitat de Barcelona
2023-06-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43476
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 21: Primavera 2023; 72-89
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Spring 2023; 72-89
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 21: Primavera 2023; 72-89
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Primavera 2023; 72-89
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43476/39838
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/43477
2023-08-01T08:42:33Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
La metáfora lumen mentium en la argumentación filosófica. El recurso en san Agustín y en Juan Escoto Eriúgena
The lumen mentium metaphor in philosophical argumentation. The resource in Saint Augustine and John Scotus Eriugena
La metáfora lumen mentium en la argumentación filosófica. El recurso en san Agustín y en Juan Escoto Eriúgena
The lumen mentium metaphor in philosophical argumentation. The resource in Saint Augustine and John Scotus Eriugena
Calabrese, Claudio
Junco , Ethel
sant Agustí
Joan Escot Eriúgena
Déu
neoplatonisme
Escriptures
exegesi
teologia apofàntica
religio et philosophia
St. Augustine
John Scotus Eriugena
God
Neoplatonism
Scriptures
Exegesis
Apophantic Theology
Religio et philosophia
san Agustín
, Juan Escoto Eriúgena
Dios
neoplatonismo
Escrituras
exégesis
teología apofántica
religio et philosophia
Del traç neoplatònic que dibuixen sant Agustí i Escot Eriúgena, nosaltres seguim les conseqüències del diàleg entre la metàfora lumen mentium i l’argumentació filosòfica en clau gnoseològica i aplicada a l’exegesi del Gènesi 1, 1; en aquest diàleg es planteja la continuïtat sensible-intel·ligible, segons el model que trobem en Plotí. Tant la il·luminació agustiniana com la comprensió d’allò que es creu en Escot Eriúgena expressen la forma en què el creient pot aproximar-se al coneixement de l’Incognoscible, en el llibre del món i en les Escriptures. Ambdós autors condueixen la reflexió sobre Déu a partir de la manera en què el creient es relaciona amb Ell i, únicament en aquesta circumstància, examinen la jerarquia del ser. Per això, el punt comú entre ambdós neoplatònics està en què la unitat del ser és entesa mitjançant la forma triàdica del nostre pensament: mesura, número i pes (Sv 11, 21). L’exegesi del Gènesi 1, 1 fonamenta el vincle profund entre religio et philosophia, no tant com a determinacions en si mateixes, sinó com a realitats actuants en l’ésser humà: la revelació de les Escriptures i la raó de l’exegesi; aquesta identitat implica la impossibilitat de contradicció entre elles.
From the Neoplatonic line drawn by Saint Augustine and Scotus Eriugena, we follow the consequences of the dialogue between the lumen mentium metaphor and philosophical argumentation, in epistemological terms and applied to the exegesis of Genesis 1, 1; in this dialogue the sensitive-intelligible continuity is raised, according to the model that we find in Plotinus. Both the Augustinian illumination and the understanding of what is believed in Scotus Eriugena express the way in which the believer can approach the knowledge of the Unknowable, in the book of the world and in the Scriptures. Both authors conduct the reflection on God from the way in which the believer relates to Him, and only in this circumstance, they examine the hierarchy of being. For this reason, the common point between both Neoplatonists is that the unity of being is understood through the triadic form of our thought: measure, number and weight (Wis. 11, 21). The exegesis of Genesis 1,1 bases the deep link between religio et philosophia, not so much as determinations in themselves, but as realities acting in the human being: the revelation of the Scriptures and the reason for exegesis; this identity implies the impossibility of contradiction between them.
Del trazo neoplatónico que dibujan san Agustín y Escoto Eriúgena, nosotros seguimos las consecuencias del diálogo entre la metáfora lumen mentium y la argumentación filosófica, en clave gnoseológica y aplicada a la exégesis de Génesis 1, 1; en este diálogo se plantea la continuidad sensible – inteligible, según el modelo que encontramos en Plotino. Tanto la iluminación agustiniana como la comprensión de lo que se cree en Escoto Eriúgena expresan el modo en que el creyente puede aproximarse al conocimiento del Incognoscible, en el libro del mundo y en las Escrituras. Ambos autores conducen la reflexión sobre Dios a partir del modo en que el creyente se relaciona con Él y, únicamente en esta circunstancia, examinan la jerarquía del ser. Por ello, el punto común entre ambos neoplatónicos está en que la unidad del ser es entendida mediante la forma triádica de nuestro pensamiento: medida, número y peso (Sab. 11, 21). La exégesis de Génesis 1,1 fundamenta el vínculo profundo entre religio et philosophia, no tanto como determinaciones en sí mismas, sino como realidades actuantes en el ser humano: la revelación de las Escrituras y la razón de la exégesis; esta identidad implica la imposibilidad de contradicción entre ellas.
Universitat de Barcelona
2023-06-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43477
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 21: Primavera 2023; 90-109
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Spring 2023; 90-109
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 21: Primavera 2023; 90-109
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Primavera 2023; 90-109
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43477/39839
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/43478
2023-08-01T08:42:33Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
El sentido análogo del término “escolástica”
The analogous meaning of the term “scholasticism”
El sentido análogo del término “escolástica”
The analogous meaning of the term “scholasticism”
Castillo Hódar, Alberto
escolàstica
neo-aristotelisme
ontoteologia
filosofia medieval
mètode escolàstic
història de la filosofia
Scholasticism
Neo-Aristotelianism
Ontotheology
Medieval Philosophy
Scholastic Method
History of Philosophy
escolástica
neo-aristotelismo
ontoteología
filosofía medieval
método escolástico
historia de la filosofía
Encara avui segueix vigent la comparació entre l’escolàstica i l’humanisme per la qual es tendeix a desprestigiar l’escolàstica, malgrat que va ser una època crucial per a la història de la filosofia. No obstant això, com es dedueix ràpidament del seu estudi, no és en absolut una època separada o obscura, ja que molts dels seus debats i la seva terminologia encara segueixen vius en la filosofia. Revitalitzar l’escolàstica comença per aclarir algunes qüestions com per exemple: què vol dir el terme “escolàstica”? i on comença i fins on arriba aquest corrent filosòfic? Existeixen molts els estudis dedicats a l’escolàstica i els seus autors i, tanmateix, són menys abundants els dedicats a intentar precisar el terme, cosa que fa que no se n’assoleixi una univocitat precisa. Per tant, en aquest article ens proposem resumir les diferents definicions del terme i el seu caràcter anàleg.
The comparison between Scholasticism and the Humanism, which tends to discredit Scholasticism even though it was a crucial period for the history of philosophy, is still valid today. However, as is readily apparent from its study it is by no means a separate or obscure movement, as many of his debates and terminology are still alive in philosophy. Revitalizing scholasticism begins by clarifying some issues in this regard, such as: what does the term “scholasticism” mean? Where does it begin and how far does it reach that mentioned time? There are many studies on scholasticism and its authors, and, however, very few have tried to specify the term, all of them without reaching univocity. Therefore, in this article we intend to summarize the different definitions of the term and its analogous character.
Todavía hoy sigue vigente la comparación entre la escolástica y el humanismo por la cual se tiende a desprestigiar a la escolástica pese a que fue una época crucial para la historia de la filosofía. Sin embargo, como se deduce rápidamente de su estudio, para nada es una época separada u obscura, ya que muchos de sus debates y su terminología aún siguen vivos en la filosofía. Revitalizar la escolástica comienza por esclarecer algunas cuestiones al respecto como, por ejemplo: ¿qué significa el término “escolástica”? ¿dónde comienza y hasta dónde alcanza esa corriente filosófica? Existen multitud de estudios sobre la escolástica y sus autores, y, sin embargo, menos abundantes los dedicados a intentar precisar el término, lo que conlleva a que no se alcance una univocidad precisa del mismo. Por tanto, en este artículo nos proponemos resumir las diferentes definiciones del término y su carácter análogo.
Universitat de Barcelona
2023-06-20
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43478
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 21: Primavera 2023; 110-137
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Spring 2023; 110-137
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 21: Primavera 2023; 110-137
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 21: Primavera 2023; 110-137
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/43478/39840
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/46034
2024-03-01T09:45:24Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Les vares de l’amor. Un cas de relació temàtica intertextual entre les líriques trobadoresques occitana, francesa i alemanya
The rods of love: a case of thematic intertextual relationship between Occitan, French and German troubadour lyrical poetry
The rods of love: a case of thematic intertextual relationship between Occitan, French and German troubadour lyrical poetry
The rods of love: a case of thematic intertextual relationship between Occitan, French and German troubadour lyrical poetry
Dalmases Paredes, Joan
bastó
vara
fin’amors
trobador
trouvère
Minnesänger
stick
cane
fin’amors
trobador
trouvère
Minnesänger
Aquest article ofereix un exemple dels contactes literaris entre les tradicions trobadoresques occitana, francesa i alemanya a través de la comparació i la classificació de l’ús del motiu literari de la vara. Aquesta metàfora tan particular ens ha permès traçar una xarxa d’antecedents i d’influències que demostra la fluïdesa amb la qual els motius literaris traspassaven fronteres lingüístiques i culturals durant l’Edat Mitjana. La nostra anàlisi ens ha dut a descobrir l’ús de la imatge en textos poc coneguts, a reenfocar composicions clàssiques des d’una nova perspectiva i a posar en estreta relació obres aparentment distants.
This article offers an example of the literary contacts between the Occitan, French and German troubadours’ traditions through the comparison and classification of the use of the literary motif of the rod. This particular metaphor has allowed us to trace a network of antecedents and influences that demonstrates the fluidity with which literary motifs crossed linguistic and cultural boundaries during the Middle Ages. Our analysis has led us to discover the use of the image in little-known texts, to refocus classic compositions from a new perspective and to bring apparently distant works into close relationship.
This article offers an example of the literary contacts between the Occitan, French and German troubadours’ traditions through the comparison and classification of the use of the literary motif of the rod. This particular metaphor has allowed us to trace a network of antecedents and influences that demonstrates the fluidity with which literary motifs crossed linguistic and cultural boundaries during the Middle Ages. Our analysis has led us to discover the use of the image in little-known texts, to refocus classic compositions from a new perspective and to bring apparently distant works into close relationship.
This article offers an example of the literary contacts between the Occitan, French and German troubadours’ traditions through the comparison and classification of the use of the literary motif of the rod. This particular metaphor has allowed us to trace a network of antecedents and influences that demonstrates the fluidity with which literary motifs crossed linguistic and cultural boundaries during the Middle Ages. Our analysis has led us to discover the use of the image in little-known texts, to refocus classic compositions from a new perspective and to bring apparently distant works into close relationship.
Universitat de Barcelona
2023-12-20
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info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/46034
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 22: Tardor 2023; 1-23
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 22: Autumn 2023; 1-23
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 22: Otoño 2023; 1-23
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 22: Tardor 2023; 1-23
2014-7023
cat
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/46034/41486
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/46035
2024-03-01T09:45:24Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Goma, un topònim fantasma en la documentació llatina de la Catalunya altmedieval
Goma, a Phantom Toponym in Latin Documents from Catalonia in the Early Middle Ages
Goma, un topónimo fantasma en la documentación latina de la Cataluña altomedieval
Goma, a Phantom Toponym in Latin Documents from Catalonia in the Early Middle Ages
Monserrat Roig, Catalina
Llatí medieval
toponímia
Barcelona altmedieval
Medieval Latin
Toponymy
Early Medieval Barcelona
Latín medieval
toponimia
Barcelona altomedieval
Tres edicions del Pergamí 1-2-138 de l'Arxiu Capitular de Barcelona presenten el terme Goma com un topònim de la Barcelona medieval. La nostra recerca, realitzada a partir del corpus digital Corpus Documentale Latinum Cataloniae (CODOLCAT), ha permès corregir la forma Goma i proposar la lectura correcta d'aquest terme i d'uns altres que el nostre estudi ha revelat com a erronis. Per tot això, el present article posa de manifest la utilitat del CODOLCAT en l'estudi dels topònims esmentats en els diplomes altmedievals i la millora que aquest tipus de treballs suposa per a les edicions dels textos de què disposem.
Three editions of Parchment 1-2-138 in the Chapterhouse Archive of Barcelona include Goma as a toponym from mediaeval Barcelona. Our research on the digital Corpus Documentale Latinum Cataloniae (CODOLCAT) has enabled us to correct the term Goma and propose a correct interpretation of this and others that our study has revealed to be inaccurate. Therefore, this article highlights the usefulness of CODOLCAT for analysing the aforementioned toponyms in diplomas from the early mediaeval period, as well as the improvement offered by this type of work for editions of the texts available to us.
Tres ediciones del Pergamino 1-2-138 del Archivo Capitular de Barcelona presentan el término Goma como un topónimo de la Barcelona medieval. Nuestra investigación, realizada a partir del corpus digital Corpus Documentale Latinum Cataloniae (CODOLCAT), ha permitido corregir la forma Goma y proponer la lectura correcta de este término y de otros que nuestro estudio ha revelado como erróneos. Por todo ello, el presente artículo pone de manifiesto la utilidad del CODOLCAT en el estudio de los topónimos mencionados en los diplomas altomedievales y la mejora que este tipo de trabajos supone para las ediciones de los textos de que disponemos.
Universitat de Barcelona
2024-03-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/46035
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 22: Tardor 2023; 24-34
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 22: Autumn 2023; 24-34
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 22: Otoño 2023; 24-34
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 22: Tardor 2023; 24-34
2014-7023
spa
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/46035/41511
oai:revistes.ub.edu:article/46038
2024-03-01T09:45:24Z
SVMMA:ART
driver
Una nova troballa d’Ars Picta: les pintures de Sant Cristòfol d’Anyós (La Massana, Andorra)
Una nova troballa d’Ars Picta: les pintures de Sant Cristòfol d’Anyós (La Massana, Andorra)
Una nova troballa d’Ars Picta: les pintures de Sant Cristòfol d’Anyós (La Massana, Andorra)
Una nova troballa d’Ars Picta: les pintures de Sant Cristòfol d’Anyós (La Massana, Andorra)
Mancho, Carles
Tarradellas, Cristina
Romànic
Pintura mural
Andorra
Anyós
Romanesque
Mural painting
Andorra
Anyós
Aquest text és la primera comunicació de la recent troballa realitzada pels membres del grup de recerca Ars Picta (IRCVM, Universitat de Barcelona). Un seguit d'esdeveniments ens ha permès identificar les pintures andorranes de l'església de Sant Cristòfol d'Anyós, arrencades a principis dels anys trenta del segle XX i de les quals se n'havia perdut la pista a principis dels anys seixanta, en una col·lecció privada a França.
The present text is the first communication of the recent discovery made by members of the Ars Picta research group (IRCVM, Universitat de Barcelona). A series of coincidences have allowed us to identify the Andorran paintings from the church of St. Christopher of Anyós, which were removed in the early 1930s and had been lost track of in the early 1960s, in a private French collection.
Universitat de Barcelona
2024-03-01
info:eu-repo/semantics/article
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
Articles revisats per parells
Peer-reviewed Article
Artículos revisados por pares
application/pdf
http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/46038
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No 22: Tardor 2023; 35-43
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; No. 22: Autumn 2023; 35-43
SVMMA. Revista de Cultures Medievals; Núm. 22: Otoño 2023; 35-43
SVMMA. Revsita de Cultures Medievals; No. 22: Tardor 2023; 35-43
2014-7023
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http://revistes.ub.edu/index.php/SVMMA/article/view/46038/41523